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it now is! I never heard that they objected to the system of boroughs. This is, then, a sudden thought of theirs, or of yours. No, Mr. Perry, they can,' surely, never object to the mode of electing that very parliament, into which, without any complaint against it, they were so eager to obtain admittance. If the parliament was good enough for them to sit in by the means of borough elections, it was surely good enough to decide upon their petition. -But, the worst of it is, that those, in general, who voted for the Catholics are amongst the sturdiest enemies of reform. Will Mr. CANNING, for instance, give us a lift in the way of reform? It is very true, that a reform of the parliament would soon settle all these religious disputes; but, of those who were for this Bill, five would not vote for a parliament

"the just rights of the people in the Com"mons House: and it cannot be said that "it is not called for, when it is known that "Major Cartwright, on Monday evening, "said he now held in his hands, ready to "be presented to the House, 320 pétitions, "uniform in their prayer for reform, and "signed by one hundred and twenty thou"sand men.- -We know not in what "terms to speak of the disappointment "which the friends of civil and religious "freedom have suffered by the loss of the "Bill for the relief of the Roman Catho"lics; because with that reverence for the "House of Commons which it is our desire "to cherish, we cannot reconcile with any "rule of principle the vote of Monday night on a single clause of the Bill, with "the former votes on the whole of it. "There must be a secret history in the management of the division in the Commit-ary reform.--I am very glad to hear, "tee, which if it could be fairly promulgated, would prove to every unbiassed "mind the necessity of that reform in the representation which it is the object of "Lord Rancliffe to bring into discussion. "Some of the arts practised on the occasion "have been whispered, and we may be enabled to speak of them hereafter. But "certainly the triumph is not to be boasted "of that was obtained by the means which we hear were practised, and which, after "all the efforts that were made, was so "trifling in its number. The Bill is lost, indeed, and the consequences may be such, as we shudder to contemplate; but what must be the feeling of the temporary winners, when they shall reflect on "the very trifling majority by which they "have contrived to continue the thraldom "in which millions of their fellow-subjects are held! Their triumph will be short, indeed, if the result of this vote shall be "to quicken the public mind in the cause of parliamentary Reform; and we sincerely hope that that will be the "first fruits of the decision."- -Upon my word, Mr. PERRY, this is being very sanguine indeed! Can you believe, that the reform which was rejected upon Mr. MADOX's exposure of 11th May, 1809, will be produced by the rejection of this Bill? Can you believe, that the reform, the necessity of which has not been evident enough in 20 years' war, and 800,000,000 of debt, and in the property tax, will become evident in the refusal to let two or three score of Roman Catholics into place? The Catholics wished, it seems, to get into this same parliament as

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that there are petitions for reform; but, I am sure they will be signed by very few of those who take a lead in religious sects. Those people have always some little boon to ask for themselves; and they well know, that the way to get that is not to ask for a reform of the parliament. Nay, I will bet Mr. Perry a trifle, that the very persons, in whose behalf this Bill was brought in, would be amongst the foremost in opposing parliamentary reform; because that would cut up, root and branch, the very things they are seeking for.--I do not mean to say, that all those, who have taken an active part in pressing for this measure, wish to get money by it. I know the contrary. Mr. BUTLER, for instance, I am satisfied, is actuated by no selfish motive. I could say the same of many others; bat, generally speaking, the object is to get a share of the public money by one mean or another.- -But, how comes it, that the Catholics, if they were friends of reform, never talked of it before? I have read, in some of their speeches, as bitter reflections on the Reformers as ever escaped the lips of any scoundrel Borough-monger, of any corrupt trafficker in seats; and, having heard this, and perceiving from the tenor of all their toasts and resolutions, that they are amongst the enemies of Reform, am I now to be made believe, that their cause ought to produce that change?I venture to assure Mr. Perry, that MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, that most able, most zealous, and most disinterested friend of freedom, will find no material support from the Catholics, or, at least, from those who were calling for this Bill.--We are now,

tion, who, if again in power, would again insult the people much more than the Pittites have ever done. What! Did not Mr. Tierney and Mr. Ponsonby and Lord Milton join Mr. Ganning and Mr. Perceval in making the famous "STAND

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against POPULAR ENCROACH"MENT," when Mr. MADOX, on the 11th of May, 1809, offered to prove the sale of a seat? And, with this fact in our minds, will any one attempt to persuade us, that we ought to look to the Whig

it seems, to expect dreadful consequences in Ireland. And why? Do you see the Bill that is passing about arms in Ireland? Do you keep in mind the powers which the Irish government has over the people? Do you remember the Act, which was drawn up by the Whigs, which was left by them as a legacy to the Pittites, and which was said to have been penned by Mr. Grattan himself? Do you remember that Act? Have you its powers in your eye? If you have, you will be at perfect ease upon the score of disturbances in Ire-faction as friends of reform! land; and, you will also be able to judge, how far the supporters of the Bill now AMERICAN WAR. PRISONERS OF thrown out, seeing that they were the real WAR. - Mr. BARLOW.- -It appears authors of the Act above alluded to, merit that the loan, which our hireling prints the exclusive appellation of "friends of assured us the American President was un"civil and religious liberty."--Besides, able to raise, has been raised, and that, I again ask, what reason have the mass of too, in the single city of Philadelphia. the Irish Catholics to be more discontented It also is stated, that Mr. MADISON has now than they were before this Bill was actually named plenipotentiaries to negocirejected? The Bill, if carried, would ate a peace with us, under the mediation of have done them no good. Why, then, if Russia.—I hope we shall accept of the not deluded, if not deceived, should they mediation, and put an end to this the worst regret its failure?--Oh, no! Mr. Perry, of all our wars. But, the hireling press is we are in no danger of disturbances in Ire- against such acceptance. against such acceptance. It labours hard land! The people of Ireland appear to be to perpetuate this war and to make it as a perfectly loyal and orderly race. You cruel as possible, by adding to the animonever hear from them any noise about any sity on both sides.There is a circumthing. They are as quiet as any people stance, which I have heard of, relating to can be; and, really, it is a pity, that any Americans, who were serving on board of hints should be thrown out, like those of our ships, which it will be sufficient, I am Mr. Perry, calculated to disturb their sure, barely to state. The Americans minds.At any rate, they ought not to always asserted, that we detained many of be deceived. The Bill would have done their native seamen on board of our ships of them no good, as I have frequently shown; war.war. -This now appears to have been by the rejection of the Bill, the great body true. For, since the war has been going of the Catholics have lost nothing, nor have on, our government have thought it pruthey been deprived of the chance of gaining dent (and it was certainly just) to put these any thing. What new reason, therefore, men, or some of them, at least, out of our can they have to be disaffected towards a service, it not being at all probable that an government, with which they appear from American would, without force, fight their silence to have been hitherto so well against his country. I have only to add, satisfied? To return, for a moment, to that the men I allude to, have, as I underthe subject of parliamentary reform, I beg stand, been, not discharged, not sent home, the reader to bear in mind, that the Morn-but made prisoners of war, to be exchanging Chronicle never speaks on the subject, ed against persons, whom the Americans except at times when its faction has receiv- may have taken from us in actual war.ed a blow. I confess that it would be a I do not positively assert this to be a fact, remedy for almost all our evils; but, the but I have heard it stated as such, and I do worst of it is, the Whigs never talked think that it is a matter which calls for about this remedy, when they were in public attention. Being upon the subject power. Nay, have not all the leaders of of America, I cannot refrain from noticing them talked against it, of late years, in a certain letters, which appeared in the most vehement style? What, then, are COURIER, the MORNING POST, and other we to expect from them? The people newspapers, a few days ago, purporting to must rely upon themselves only; upon their be letters, written by Mr. JOEL BARLOW to own lawful exertions, and not upon the Mr. MADISON, from France. These letgood will or exertions of this deceitful fac-ters our newspapers say they have copied

So

from American papers; and the American rica, had not the impudence to pretend to papers say, that they copied them from a believe them to be authentic; but, he puts London paper.-The letters are sheer this question to his readers: "Who will fabrications, intended to make people be- deny that it is, in the highest degree sinlieve, that Mr. JEFFERSON was in negocia-gular, how such fabrications, carrying tion with Napoleon, or, at least, that the "such evidence on the face of them, of an latter made him an offer, the end of which "intimate knowledge of the subject and was to make Mr. Jefferson a military despot" persons to which they relate, should over the people of America.-This is "FIND THEIR WAY INTO AN only worthy of any notice at all, as it shows "ENGLISH NEWSPAPER?" the lengths to which the vile hirelings of that I repeat my surmise, that the base fathe press will go to effect any purpose, brication had its origin here, and found its which it is their interest to pursue.—— way into the American newspapers in the It is very true, that we never saw any way that I have described.--After this, such letters in any London paper. It is can we believe that a hireling of the press certain that no such letters were ever pub- will stick at any thing? The people of lished here; but, I will not assert, that America would not be deceived by so they had not their origin here; that they clumsy a fraud; but, not so the "most were not fabricated here; that they were" thinking people" of England, for whom not even printed here, and that, too, in some newspaper.- Nothing is more easy than to put such letters into some one copy of an edition of a newspaper, and to leave them out of all the other copies. That single copy might be sent off to America, while the rest of the edition were circulated here. There are not wanting men to do such a thing on this side of the water, and, I dare say, there are not wanting men to receive and republish on the other side.

nothing is too gross; and, I have not the smallest doubt, that there are men at this moment citing this offer of Napoleon as a proof of his being a sworn foe of freedom, and of his serious and settled intention to enslave all the world, and annihilate England. In short, it appears to me, that there is nothing, which, if its purport be to blacken an enemy, the mass of the people of this country will not believe. Nay, I am quite satisfied, that there are people enough in the lounging-rooms in London to denounce as a friend of Buonaparté," any one who shall call the authenticity of these letters in question.

-Back came these letters in the American papers, and, in republishing of them here, not a word is said to apprize the people of the fact of their having been fabricated. I dare say, that a very considerable part of the people of England will ARMY AGENCY.- -From a paper, laid take them for authentic documents, and before the House of Commons, not long will, of course, believe, that Napoleon since, it appears, that this is a subject actually proposed to Mr. JEFFERSON to worthy of great public attention; and, as I make him a despot. The propositions said find that it is speedily to be brought forto have been made to him are these: "1.ward in discussion, it may be useful to "That on condition of his declaring war "against England, the presidency should "be guaranteed to him by his Majesty the "Emperor for life.-2. That one million of francs, and even more, if found "necessary, should be annually placed at "his disposal during the war, to be repaid "after it was ended, or as soon as the in"tended alterations in the form of govern"ment were effected.- 3. That three "thousand French officers, instructed to "obey the President implicitly, should be "sent out to serve in the army of the "United States.-4. That ten ships of "the line, with their proportion of frigates, "should be dispatched to the United States "to be manned and officered exclusively "by American seamen." -The corrupt wretch, who published the letters in Ame

draw the attention of my readers towards it.There is a regulation, which prescribes, that Agents of the army shall give security for the due discharge of their trust; and, certainly, such a regulation is necessary, seeing what large sums pass through their hands.- But, as appears from the above paper, some of them give no security, at all, while others do to a large amount. Mr. Ridge and Mr. Shee, for instance, the former of whom is agent to the Recruiting Service, and the latter to the Local Militia, give a security each to the amount of £20,000. Mr. Robinson, who is agent to the 13th Dragoons, gives security to the amount of £10,000. While Messrs. Greenwood and Cox, who are agents to one half of the whole army, give no security at all, except for one regiment, and that only

from this "friend of regular government, | "social order, and our holy religion," as JOHN BOWLES has it, which paper is also worthy of the attention of that "thinking" public.

-The amount of this balance

in the sum of £1,500. The profits, the bare profits of these agents, or, at least, their allowance for agency, amounts to upwards of forty thousand pounds a year. Between three and four millions of the public money pass through their hands in the exceeds eighty thousand pounds, about course of the year; and yet, all the secu- equal in amount to the nett produce of the rity they give is £1,500.--The money Duty -The money Duty on Hops for three years! -But, may, perhaps, be very safe in their hands; there are some particular items that I think but, what reason can there be for their not it right to notice.He is stated to have giving security for every regiment, as well received and to have paid £647 15s. 10d. as for the one, for which they do give se- to a Mr. Briarly "for expenses of Merino curity?—The allowance for the agency" sheep." Now, I am yet to learn, that

this "public" have ever possessed any Merino sheep. I have heard of the king having some given him by the Spanish government; I have heard too of his sales of sheep; but, I never observed that any of the proceeds of those sales were carried to the credit of this famous "public;" and, I am yet to learn the reason why this same public should have been charged with any expenses relating to Merino sheep.The king gave some of these sheep away; but, I always understood, that they belonged to him, and not to the public. So that, I say again, that I can see no reason whatever for the public being saddled with this expense, especially as the king's privy purse, exclusive of all the expenses of his household, is so amply supplied by this same public.' -If I were a member of parliament, I would certainly inquire how the people came to have any thing to do with this expense.- -The sheep were given to the king; he did what he pleased with them; he sold them or kept them or gave them away; and, therefore, if the people refrained from all inquiry into the cause or the motive of the gift, they, surely, could have nothing to do with the expense of bringing or managing the sheep. From another item it appears, that Chinnery received, from 1805 to 1807, £110,395, and for what purpose, think you? Why" To be paid to Count Munster for "THE SERVICE OF HANO

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to the whole of the army is little more than £80,000 a year. This house swallows up more than the half of the sum; and, surely, they ought to give proportional security. It is said, in answer to this, that the several Colonels are responsible for the agent of their choice; and, that, if the agent fail, the public come upon the Colonel. But, Sir David Dundas, being then Commander in Chief, was asked by the Military Commissioners, whether he regarded the Colonels as being really responsible in such a case, said that he did not think that they were responsible.Now, if he, and in his then situation, could give such an opinion, I leave the reader to guess who would have to pay the piper in case of the failure of an agent,- -But, suppose the Colonels to be responsible by law, who is to be answerable for their ability? You cannot, as the saying is, get blood out of a flint stone, which is only saying, that you cannot get money from a man who has no money; and, as to the putting of a Colonel in jail, you cannot do that if he be a member of parliament; and, in cases where you can do it, the power could not be exercised without a great injury to the service, supposing the Colonel to be of any use. What, for instance, would be the mode of getting redress for the public if the agent of Sir George Prevost were to fail, and Sir George too poor to pay the debt? Would you send out a writ against him to Canada?" VER." Of this he still owes, £5,256. -In short, this "responsibility" of the Colonel must, it is very clear, he merely nominal; and, it is equally clear, that the public ought to have, for the money issued for every corps, a good and real security.

-Whether" the Guardians of the pub"lic purse" will think as I do is another matter, those Gentlemen and I being so very apt to differ in our opinions.

MR. CHINNERY.- -There is a paper respecting the balance due to the public

But, the main thing here is, that this great sum was issued for the service of Hanover; and, bear in mind, that it was issued from the public treasure, because, as the account states, the balance is "due to the public."

Now, we see, then, that Hanover has cost us this sum, and that very recently, too. Here is a sum equal to the nett duly on starch for two years.- -This sum is not to be supposed to have gone to our army in Hanover (if we had any troops there at the time), nor to any part of our service;

❝ to pay

(REPLY.)

His Britannic Majesty's Ship Poictiers, in the Mouth of the Delaware, March 23, 1813.

[700 for it is expressly stated to have been for evening, receive your reply to the present the service of Hanover, and to be paid to communication, and your determination of Count Munster, who is the Hanoverian Re-executing or relinquishing the demand mensident here.. -Another item is £41,117, tioned in your letter of the 16th instant. bills drawn from abroad, on acIf that demand is still insisted upon, I have "count of His Royal Highness the Duke of only to observe to you, that a compliance "Cumberland," from 1798 to 1802. I would be an immediate violation of the do not recollect where the Duke was at that laws of my Country, and an eternal stigma time; but, I am sure I cannot discover how on the nation of which I am a citizen. A this money came to have any thing to do compliance, therefore, cannot be acceded with this enlightened "public," unless the to.-I have the honour to be, &c. JOSEPH HALSET, Duke was in some sort of public service at Governor of the State of Delaware." the time. If the money was issued to Chinnery on account of the Duke's pension and allowances, or as the Colonel of a regiment, then the balance not paid by Chinnery, which is £886, would be due to the Duke; but it is stated to be due to "the "public" so that it must have been the money of the public, and not his own private money, that was issued to Chinnery to the amount of £41,117.—I should like very much to see these matters explained. -We are often reviled for cavilling at such trifles; but, if I were to take all the sums that I think I can show to be expended unnecessarily, and set them against the nett proceeds of different heads of taxes, I should make any thinking reader stare. Great sums are made up of small sums; but, it is so on the one side as well as on the other. However, perhaps, it is hardly worth while to plague one's self about the matter, when not a few of those whom you talk to about it are, perhaps, only thinking all the while how they shall get in for a share of what you wish to save.

-The Civil List, however, must come under my fingers. I cannot bring myself to let that pass unexplained. WM. COBBETT.

"Sir,-In reply to your letter received this day, by a flag of truce, in answer to mine of the 16th inst. I have to observe, that the demand I have made upon Lewistown is, in my opinion, neither ungenerous nor wanting in that magnanimity which one nation ought to observe to another, with which it is at war. It is in my power to destroy your town, and the request I have made upon it, as the price of its security, is neither distressing nor unusual. I must, therefore, persist; and whatever sufferings may fall upon the inhabitants of Lewistown, must be attributed to yourselves by your not complying with a request so easily acquiesced in.--I have the honour to be, &c.

J. P. BERESFORD, Commodore, and commanding H. B. M. Squadron in the Delaware."

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

AMERICAN WAR.

(Continued from page 768.) Magistrate of Lewis.-The respect which generous and magnanimous nations, even when they are enemies, take pride in cherishing towards each other, enjoins it upon me, as a duty I owe to the State over which I have the honour at this time to preside, to the Government of which this State is a member, and to the civilized world, to inquire of you whether, upon further and more mature reflection, you continue resolved to attempt the destruction of this town? I shall, probably, this

FRENCH NAVAL WAR.

Paris, April 28.-Extract from the Report of a Captain Baivit, Commander of his Majesty's frigate the Arethusa, to the Minister of Marine.-On board the Arethusa, April 19, 1813.

After describing the destruction of a few vessels, the latter proceeds to give an acBritish count of his action with the frigate.-I commenced the firing by a discharge of my whole broadside, which was immediately returned by the enemy. A furious engagement then took place, in which our vessels seemed to be joined by a column of smoke. We had been foul of each other for several minutes, and during an hour and a half we had not been more than a pistol shot off each other.-Mean