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slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But, thanks to his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of freedom,” &c.
The apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank of English freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal.”
Mr. Randolph also read an extract, shewing Dr. Franklin's opinion as to the state of the colonies previous to the troubles of the stamp act. That wise man had explicitly declared that ours was the only instance of an extensive empire in which the remote provinces were as well governed as the metropolis and its vicinity. The question was not whether we should continue in our happy situation, previous to the British attempts to tax us without our consent (for better he allowed we could never expect to be) but whether we should give up that enviable condition without a struggle. The genleman from South-Carolina must excuse him if he preferred the authority of Dr. Franklin, and of these authors of our independence, to his own (Mr. Calhonn's) : in this school, at the feet of Gamaliel, he had studied his political principles. We kad received our indelible character of freemen from our AngloSaxon descent. Sprung from the loins of Spaniards, Portuguese or Frenchmen! what should we have known of representative government---of Jury trial---of the privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, the palladium of liberty herself?
But he had been guilty of estimating the resources of the adversary against whom we were about to contend, and our own capacity to maintain the war for any beneficial result. This was the first instance in which he had heard an open contempt of all calculation as to the means of carrying on a war, or the strength of the enemy, in the disenssion of a war question. He angured nothing good from such rashness, such ignorance of the first principles of politics, of the elementary knowledge of a statesman. Indeed he had in the course of the debate, with this exception, heard nothing that had not before been said, and better said. Mr. Randolph could not, out of deference to those gentlemen who feel so sensitive an antipathy to calculation, forbear progressing with his dull, dry matters of fact, although they were so little in unison with the flowing speculations of the day. He quoted the review of Pasley's Essay on the British Military Policy. (He had not been able to procure the work itself.)
“ The population opposed to us in our contest with the Emperor of the French, Capt. Pasley estimates as five to one, and numerically speaking, he is perhaps sufficiently accurate. But the power of producing and maintaining armies results so little from mero population, that previous to the time of Francis I. it is well known as standing army was or could be maintained in Europe, and from
that time armies have only increased with increasing civilization. The cause of this is not obscure. Millions of persons may subsist in a rude state, and consume the produce of the soil, without acquiring a particle of that kind of power which contributes to the maintenance of an army, or to any other national object. In the feudal times, imperfect agriculture and the want of roads, scarcely permitted the cultivators lo dispose of a surplus sufficient to furnish money contributions for the support of the regal and baronial courts. The progress of civilization taught a more economical and effectual application of human labor; and an increasing number of persons could be fed, besides those who cultivated the land. To procure their share, these superfluous lookers-on became manufacturers, whence arose, in the natural order of gradation, trade, money, and facility of taxation, and it is in reality from the degree in which scientific or skilful labor exists in a country, that the permanent maintenance of armies is to be calculated. In a ruder state of things nothing can be furnished beyond the raw material-untutored man.
“The real enquiry for our purpose therefore is, the quantity of machinery, of scientific labor, and of the means of employing both existing in England, as compared with the same resources in the dominions of Bonaparte. A difference in our favor al) will allow : because if both had remained stationary since the commencement of the war, our superiority was evident from the vent of our manufactured goods on the continent, and that top in despite of the higher price paid in England for labor to each individual workman. And what has happened since the commencement of the war? Except those ornamental manufacturers which are maintained, not by profit, but at the expense of government, from motives of vanity or policy, all manufacture in France is extinct, or nearly so. Over the rest of the continent war has occasioned desolation unparalleled since the eruption of the Barbarians; and war contributions have annihilated the visible capital of the manufacturer, and therewith of course, all his exertions. This we may conclude without fear of error from the otherwise unaccountable and ineredible avidity with which English goods are purchased even in increased quantities, though at a price proportioned to the danger of hazarding the vengeance of the laws, if they may be so called, which have been made for their exclusion.
“ The prosperous application of large capital we have daily opportunities of seeing. In one place, a large steam engine performs the manual labor of five hundred able men; in another place a cotton mill works with all the delicacy of five hundred skilful artiza:s; and a thousand men may thus be marched to the army without national loss. In machinery less striking than these popular instances, no less progress has been made. For instance, agricultural instruments employed about a hundred and twenty persons, masters and workmen, in London, twenty years ago-now upwards of two thousand are engaged in this manufacture: but this increase in their number is accompanied by the discharge of thousands and tens of thousands from
manual labor; and so proportionally has machinery lent aid to all the other trades and callings. Co-operating with machinery in advance ing our national power is obviously the division of labor ; the effect of which having been so ably examined and stated as to have become an undisputed principle, has only been mentioned in this place, lest we should seem to forget that it has conspicuously increased in the last ten years.
“The following statement of our effective forces (including officers) at the close of the last year, will be at once satisfactory to our read. ers, and useful to our argument. Our regular cavalry appears, from the authentic returns, to have been on the 25th of December last, 31,375. Our regular infantry, including the foreign and colonial corps, 211,574. The artillery, horse and foot, 22,346, making in all of regular land forces 265,295 men. The vote for seamen and marines was, in 1810, increased to 145,000; and it was stated in Parliament that this increased vote was necessary, because that number were actually in the service. The regular militia of the empire amounted to 95,440 and thus we have a total actual military and naval force of upwards of five hundred thousand men-a force more than double the military establishment of the Roman empire under Augustus. And here we must observe, that the measure of interchanging the British and Irish militias, the most important and beneficial to the empire which has been proposed since the union, will have the effect, in addition to many other and greater advantages, of increasing our actually disposable force of nearly 16,000, or 20.000 men, the number of regular troops which it has hitherto been tho't expedient to retain in Ireland, and which we apprehend may be most safely and most usefully replaced by the British militia.
“ The local militia of Great Britain which assembled for exercise at the last inspection, amounted to 167,000. The volunteers in G. Britain are 52,000 infantry, 18,000 cavalry. In Ireland 67,000 infantry, 8,000 cavalry-a total irregular force of 312,000 men.
“Thus, in the whole, we offer to the world the proud and commanding spectacle of 820,000 men in arms; and this has been accomplished, as the increased comforts of all classes of society abundantly prove, without any unnatural exertion or ruinous expenditure of our strength. To our enemy every thing is opposite ; and accordingly with all his five-fold superiority of population, he does not, certainly, only because he cannot, maintain many more troops and seamen than ourselves, even by the severest exactions of tyranny.”
He asked for our surplus of capital, of labor, of population, out of which (except in the pastoral state) a military power could grow.
It had been asked why was the country unprepared for defence ? Was he expected to answer this question? The administration and their overwhelming majorities must answer it. They had wantoned in the plenitude of their power. Who could say them nay? Was it Mr. Randolph's fault that the gentleman from South Carolina had never in the course of his extensive experience heard of a proposi. tion to arm the whole body of the militia ? which had been damned
with a faint appropriation of 200,000 dollars, when millions were lavished upon miserable oyster boats. The clerk of the Senate could not forbear a sneer when he read the title of the bill, at the recollection of the means to enforce it. Mr. R. had proposed himself an annual million until the work should be accomplished. He would forever stand up for the militia. It was not in the scoffs of the epaulette gentry, who, for any service they have seen, are the rawest militia, to degrade them in his eyes. Who were they? Ourselves the country. Arm them, and you are safe, beyond the possibility of danger. Yearly did the standing army sweep off the money, while the militia received empty praise. He could rather see the thing reversed. But there will forever be a court and country party. The standing army is the devoted creature of the court. It must forever be so. Can we wonder that it should be cherished by its master?-He spoke of a mercenary soldier in terms of the strongest abhorrence. He would ever uphold the militia ; and he detested standing armies, as the profligate instruments of despotism--as the blood-hounds of hell. They would support any and every existing government. In all history, he remembered only one instance of their deserting their government and taking part with the people ; and that was when the Duke ot Orleans had bribed the army of the last of the Bourbon kings. A mercenary soldier was disgusting to our very senses; was odious and detestable to the eye of reason, republicanism, and religion. Yet that “ mere machine of murder," rude as it is, was the manufacturer of all the Cæsars, and Cromwells, and Bonapartes of the earth ; consecrated by a people's curse, not loud but deep, to the infernal gods. As from the filth of the kennel and common sewer spread the pestilence that carried havoc through a great city, so from this squalid,outcast, homeless wretch, sprung the scourge of military despotism. And yet we were told that there was no danger from an army of thir ty or forty thousand men. With 5000 Cæsar had passed the Rubicon. With 22,000 he fought the battle of Pharsalia, which rendered him master of the world. To come to later times: what number had Bonaparte, when deserting his companions in arms, he returned a solitary fugitive from Egypt, to overturn that government which, if it had possessed one particle of energy, if it had been possible for the civil authority to cope with military power, would have cashiered him for having ruined one of the best appointed fleets and armies that ever sailed from an European port. Well might the father of political wisdom (Lord Chatham) say to the Parliament of England, “ entrench yourselves in parchment up to the teeth, the sword will find a passage to the vitals of the constitution.” As good a republican as ever sat on that floor, Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, had dissolved his political friendship with the Earl of Sunderland, when he found him supporting an army; and the event justified his sagacity. Cromwell, the affected patron of liberty, always encouraged the army. We know the consequence. It was a fundamental principle of free government, that a legislature, which would preserve its liberty, must avoid that canker, a standing army. Are we to forget, as chimerical, our notions of this institution, which we imbibed from our very cradles, which are imprinted on our bills of rights and constitutions, which we avowed under the reign of John Adams? Are they to be scourged out of us by the birch of the unfledged political pedagogues of the day? If he were the enemy of this government, could he reconcile it to his principles, he would follow the example set him in another quarter, and say to the majority, Go! to your inevitable destruction! He likened the people under this joint operation of the two parties, ministerial and federal, to the poor client between two lawyers, or the cloth between the tailor's sheers.
He was glad to hear from his venerable friend, that this was not to be a party war. When the last additional force bill was raised, to which this was about to be superadded, it was an indispensable preliminary to an appointment, to sign, or to promise to sign, the 39 articles of the creed of the reigning political church.
But now the political millennium was at hand-already had John Adams and Citizen Genet laid down, like the lion and the lamb, in the same fold. And if they were not joined by their fellow-laborer in Newgate, (Cobbet] it was his keeper's fault, not that of his inclination. Citizen Genet! now an American patriot of the first order, who estols “ our Washington," the champion of the laws of nations, the vindi, cator of American rights against foreign (and of course French) aggression.--He was glad to hear that it was not to be a war for the protection of manufactures. To domestic manufactures, in the true sense of the term, he had always been, and ever should be, a friend-he had taken a pride in clothing himself in them, until it was attempt. ed to be made a political test.
He abhorred tests of all sorts, political and religious; and never would submit to them. He was sick of this çant of patriotism, which extended to a man's victuals, drink, and clothes. 'He had, from a sort of obstinacy that belonged to him, Jaid aside the external'use of these manufactures ; but he was their firm friend, and of the manufacturers also. They were no new things to him; no Merino hobby of the day; he had known them from his infancy. He had been almost tempted to believe, from the similari. ty of character and avocations, that Hector had a Virginian wife-that Luoretia herself (for she had displayed the spirit of a Virginian matron) was a Virginian lady--Where were they found ? Spinning among their handmaids - What was the occupation of a Virginian wife--her highest ambition ? To attend to her domestic and household cares; to dispense medicine and food to the sick; to minister to the comfort of her family, her servants-her poor neighbors, where she had any. At the sight of such a woman, his heart bowed down, and did her reverence. Compare with such-a being, your gad-about card-players.--Mr. R. said, that if the Empress Queen had presented herself decked in the spoils of a ravaged world, at the late exhibition--in contrast with our American matrons bearing the triumphs of their own ingenuity and industry, we should have looked upon her and all her splendor with scorn and contempt in our hearts, although from politeness to the sex, as gentlemen, we should have suppressed the sentiment.
Mr.R.adverted to our situation with the Indians--to the symptoms