reconcile the mercantile clafs. Your reftrictive measures have become odious to them-and though they may not approbate the war, yet they cannot but refpect the motives which dictated it. The merchants, I hope, will come to reflect that this is the favorable moment to affert their rights. The fingle fact that the parts of the country moft remote from the ocean and leaft connected with commerce have entered into this conteft for commercial rights with an ardor and difinterestedness which does them the greateft honor, proves it to be, of all others, the most aufpicious moment. It more than counterbalances all want of preparation. For it is more eafy to prepare for war than to ob tain union; and the former is not more neceflary to victory than the latter. I now tell the commercial gentlemen, if their rights are not protected, their's is the fault. With hearty co-operation on their part, victory is certain.

It now remains for me to touch another and far more interefting topic of argument, and which I confefs has the principal weight in the formation of my opinion on this subject. The reftrictive fyftem, as a mode of refiftance, and a means of obtaining a redrefs of our wrongs, has never been a favorite one with me. I wifh not to cenfure the motives which dictated it, or to attribute weakness to those who firft reforted to it for a ref toration of our rights. Though I do not think the embargo a wife measure, yet I am far from thinking it a pufillanimous one. To lock up the whole commerce of this country; to fay to the moft trading and exporting people in the world, you fhall not trade; you fhall not export; to break on the fchemes of almost every man in fociety, is far from weakness, very far from pu. fillanimity. Sir, I confefs, while I difapprove that more than any other measure, it proves the ftrength of your government and the patrio.ifm of the people. The arm of defpotifm under fimilar circumftances could not coerce its execution more effectually, than the patience and zeal of the people. But, fir, I object to the reftrictive fyftem; and for the following reafons: because it does not fuit the genius of our people, or that of our government, or the geographical character of our country. We are a people ef fentially active. I may fay we are pre-eminently fo. Distance and difficulties are lefs to us than any people on earth. Our fchemes and profpects extend every where and to every thing. No paffive fyftem can fuit fuch a people; in action fuperior to all others; in patience and endurance inferior to many. Nor does it fuit the genius of our government. Our government is founded on freedom and hates coercion. To make the reftrictive fyftem effectual, requires the moft arbitrary laws. England, with the fevereft penal ftatutes, has not been able to exclude prohibited articles; and even Bonaparte with all his power and vigi. lance was obliged to refort to the most barbarous laws to enforce his continental fyftem.

[Remainder in No. 40.]

THE

CONGRESSIONAL REPORTER.

No. 40.] Twelfth CongreSS.... FIRST SESSION. [1811-12.

MR. CALHOUN'S SPEECH,

On the proposition to repeal the Non-Importation Act.
(CONCLUDED.)

BURNING has furnished the only effectual remedy. The peculiar geography of our country, added to the liberty of its gov ernment, greatly increases the difficulty. With fo great an extent of fea coaft, with fo many rivers, bays, harbors and inlets; with neighboring English provinces, which stretch for fo great an extent along one of our frontiers, it is impoffible to prevent smuggling to a large amount.

Befides, there are other and strong objections to this fyftem. It renders government odious. People are not in the habit of looking back beyond the immediate caufe. The farmer inquires why he cannot get more for his produce; and he is told that it is owing to the embargo, or to commercial reftrictions. In this he fees only the hands of his own government. He does not look to thofe acts of violence and injuftice, which this fyftem is intended to counteract. His cenfures fall on his government. To its measures he attributes the cause of his embarraffment ; and in their removal he expects his relief. This is an unhappy ftate of the public mind; and even, I might with truth fay, in a government refting effentially on opinion, a dangerous one. In war it is different. The privation, it is true, may be equal, or greater; but the public mind, under the ftrong impulses of that ftate of things, becomes fteeled againft fufferings. The difference is great between the paffive and active ftate of the mind. Tie down a hero, and he feels the puncture of a pin; but throw him into battle, and he is fcarcely fenfible of vital gafhes. So in war; impelled alternately by hope and fear, ftimulated with revenge, depreffed with fhame, or elevated with victory, the people be come invincible. No privation can fhake their fortitude. No calamity can break their spirit. Even where equally fuccessful, the conteft is ftriking. War and reftriction may leave the coun“ try equally exhaufted; but the latter not only leaves you poor, but even when fuccefsful difpirited, divided, difcontented, with diminished patriotifm and the manners of a confiderable portion of your people corrupted. Not fo in war. In that ftate the common danger unites all-ftrengthens the bonds of fociety, and feeds the flame of patriotifm. The national character acquires energy. In exchange for the expenfes of war, you obtain military and No. 40.

naval skill, and a more perfect organization of fuch parts of your government as is connected with the feience of national defence. You alfo obtain the habits of freely advancing your purfe and ftrength in the common caufe. Sir, are thefe advantages to be counted as trifles in the prefent ftate of the world? Can they be measured by a monied valuation? But, it may be afked, why not unite war and reftriction: and thus call the whole energy of the country into action. It is true there is nothing impoffible in fuch an union; but it is equally true, that what is gained to the latter is loft to the former; and, fir, the reverfe is also true, that what is loft to restrictions is gained to the war. My objections to reftrictions without war, equally hold against them in conjunction with it. Sir, I would prefer a single victory over the enemy by fea or land, to all the good we thall ever derive from the continuation of the non-importation act. I know not, that it would produce an equal preflure on the enemy; but I am certain of what is of greater confequence, it would be accompanied with more falutary effects on ourfelves. The memory of a Saratoga or Eutaw is immortal. It is there you will find the country's boaft and pride; the inexhauftible fource of great and heroic actions. But what will hiftory fay of reftrictions? What examples worthy of imitation will it furnish pofterity? What pride, what pleafure will our children find in the events of fuch times? Let me not be confidered as romantic. This nation ought to be taught to rely on its own courage, its fortitude, its fkill and virtue for protection. Thefe are the only fafe-guards in the hour of danger. Man was endued with thefe great qualities for his defence. There is nothing about him that indicates that he muft conquer by enduring. He is not incrufted in a fhell; he is not taught to rely on his infenfibility, his paffive fuffering for defence. No, no, it is on the invincible mind; on a magnanimous nature, that he ought to rely. Here is the fuperiority of our kind; it is thefe that make man the lord of the world. It is the defliny of our condition, that nations fhould rife above nations as they are endued in a greater degree with thefe fhining qualities.

Sir, it is often repeated, that if the non-importation act is continued, we fhall have a fpeedy peace. I believe it not. I fear the delufive hope. It will debilitate the fprings of war. It is for this reafon in part that I wifh it repealed. It is the fountain of fallacious.expectations. I, fir, have frequently heard another obfervation, with no fmall mortification, from fome of those who have fupported the war, that it is only by reftriction that we can feriously affect our enemies. Why then declare war? Is it to be an appendage only of the non-importation act? If fo, I difclaim it. It is an alarming idea to be in a ftate of war and not to rely on our courage or energy, but on a measure of peace. If the non importation act is our chief reliance, it will foon direct our council. Let us ftrike away this falfe hope; let us call out the refources of the nation for its protection. England will foon find

that feven millions of freemen, with every material of war in abundance, are not to be defpifed with impunity. I would be full of hope, if I faw our fole reliance on the vigor of the war; but if we are to paralife it; if we are to truft in the moment of danger, to the operation of a fyftem of peace, I greatly fear. If fuch is to be our courfe, I fee not that we have bettered our condition. We have had a peace like a war; in the name of heaven let us not have the only thing that is worse, a war like a peace. I trust my fears will not be realifed.

MR. BIBB'S SPEECH

ON THE TREASURY NOTE BILL.

Mr. BIBB faid, his friend from South Carolina (Mr...eves) had prefented to the House fo full and fatisfactory a view of the principle and details of the bill, that further explanations appeared to him unneceffary. He would, however, briefly notice fuch objections as had been urged, and endeavor to fhew that they were altogether groundless and, indeed, without intending to impugn the motives of any man, he must be permitted to remark, that he felt the obligation of faying any thing the lefs imperative, when he recollected that the oppofition was confined wholly to those who had equally oppofed every propofition for avenging the national wrongs and providing the neceffary fupplies. The alarming apprehenfions and direful forebodings which had been expressed in relation to the confequences of the measures vere as far from being new as well founded. Similar predictions were uttered at the commencement of Mr. Jefferfon's adminiftration, and had been fince regularly repeated on every important queftion. At that period the people of the United States were told that virtue, morality and religion would be driven from the land; that all public and private confidence would be destroyed; that the bibles would be committed to the flames, and the temples dedicated to the Moft High rent from their foundations. And yet none of these things had come to pafs. The country had profpered beyond example-its civil and religious inftitutions greatly improved; and, but for the unprovoked aggreffions of foreign nations, the people would be completely happy and contented.

When it was latély attempted to adopt a fyftem of internal taxes for the fupport of government, gentlemen on the other fide of the Houfe were violently oppofed to it-poverty and oppreffion were to be the confequences. They declared the people ought not, and would not, fubmit to it. When a loan was propofedthat was altogether wrong. An increase of the duties on impofts and tonnage is advifed-that would never do. Now it was defired to issue Treafury Notes, we are told taxes ought to be laid, and the fears of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Milnor)

are alarmed left the paper fhould depreciate, and the prefent majority be difgraced. Mr. B. faid, he appreciated properly the folicitude of the gentleman for the fuccefs of the ruling party, but begged him to be assured that they were not unmindful of their refponfibility to the nation, nor unwilling to meet the final award of the people on their measures. It had been faid by the minority that the majority alone were responsible, and gentlemen ought not to be aftonifhed if they confulted their own judgments, rather than pursue their advice. Eftimating, however, as he did, the anxiety for levying taxes, manifefted by the gentleman from Pennfylvania, he would ftate for his confolation, that it was probable he might yet be gratified. Mr. B. here adverted to the objections urged against the bill. The Houfe had been told that the project of issuing Treafury Notes is fimilar to that of a man in bad credit, who, in order to borrow, pawns his note, bearing an intereft until the money is repaid. If he could not comprehend the force of the analogy, it would not be considered strange, when he denied the poffible exiftence of the cafe to which it was affimilated. What a man in bad credit obtaining a loan of money by barely giving his note payable at a diftant day, and bearing an intereft of lefs than fix per cent? for fuch is the intereft propofed by the bill. Would not the ability to borrow on fuch terms afford the highest evidence of which the cafe is fufceptible, of the ftable credit of the borrower? Unquestionably it would; and higher evidence too than any man in the nation could give. Perfons of the beft credit place their notes in bank at an interest of only fix per cent, and men of bad credit are excluded. As, therefore, the government would pay an intereft of only five and two-fifths per cent. the fuccefs of the measure will prove that its credit, fo far from being analogous to the cafe which had been mentioned, is better than that of any individual, however wealthy and refpectable.

It had alfo been faid, that to authorife the propofed notes to be depofited in banks, and to draw in return their notes, was in itfelf to depreciate the paper of the United States. What is the fact? We want five millions of dollars (faid Mr. B) and propofe iffuing promiffory notes to that amount, payable in twelve months, with an intereft of five and two-fifths per cent. Suppofing the whole taken by banks, and their paper received in return, ftill that would be no depreciation. The diftinction which difclofes a proper view of the argument, feems to have been overlooked. The notes of the United States will be payable one year after date; thofe of the banks are payable on demand-are, in fact, ready money; and the exchange affords no more evidence of depreciated credit, than if an individual fhould give one hundred dollars in gold or filver for the fame amount of Treafury Notes. The object is to obtain money at the propofed intereft, and whether it be had from banks or individuals, is perfectly immaterial.