84

PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Jan.

B

of the Romans fhould ever be chosen
during the life of the emperor, but
when it becomes abfolutely neceffary
for the fafety and quiet of the em-
pire, and that whether this neceffity
at any time exifts or no, is not to be
determined by the electoral college, A
but by the diet of the empire. This,
Sir, is the important question now
brought upon the carpet; and when
we confider, that the kings of Swe-
den and Denmark, the prince royal
of Ruffia, the king of France, and
the prince, now hereditary ftadthold
er of the United Provinces, are all
princes of the empire, without be-
ing electors, we may judge how im-
probable it is, that either of these
two parties will yield to the other,
how unfortunate it is that such a
question fhould ever have been start-
ed, and how dangerous it would be
to proceed to an election before this
question be determined, or at leatt
until the neceffity of an election be-
comes manifeft both to the diet and
the electoral college; and in that
cafe they would proceed to an electi- D
on without any fubfidy from us, and
without having the queftion deter-
mined as to who are to be the judges
of that neceflity,

C

When this will happen, Sir, I do not know, and as little do I know what the Hon. gentleman means by E faying he trufts-it will happen next fummer. I with as much as he can do, that it may, but I do not fo much as hope that it will; and this I will fay, that if we, by granting fubfidies to (which will be called bribing) a majority of the electors, F fhould procure a king of the Romans to be chofen, whilft fome of the chief electors and most of the great princes of the empire think that there is no prefent neceffity for any fuch choice, we fhall, I fear, be fowing the feeds of a civil war in Germany, G and a very general one in Europe, instead of taking proper measures to prevent either the one or the other. Therefore, the procuring or haftening the election of a king of the

Romans could be no good argument
for our projecting or concluding this
treaty; and the other argument, or
motive, as the honourable gentle-
man called it, is one of that fort of
arguments, which either does no-
thing, or does too much.

Are we to fuppofe, Sir, that any
elector or prince of Germany is fo
extravagant, as to keep up a greater
number of regular troops in time of
peace, than his own proper revenue
can fpare to fupport, and at the fame
time, that he is fo abandoned, that
rather than retrench any part of this
extravagant expence, he will unite
with the enemies of his country, and
fell himself a flave to France ? God
forbid, Sir, that we should ever
have the leaft ground for fuch a vi-
lifying fuppofition: I have fo good
an opinion of thofe princes in gene-
ral, that I am convinced, no one
of them will ever unite with France

for any mercenary confideration;
but we know, that an apprehenfion
of the house of Auftria's defigning
to encroach upon the laws and liber-
ties of their country, has, in former
times, made many of them unite
with France, in order to guard a-
gainst thofe defigns of that house,
which they thought to be either am-
bitious or oppreffive; and therefore
in all our meafures we ought to be
extremely cautious of giving rife to
any fuch future apprehenfion. It is
our intereft to fupport and preferve
the power of the houfe of Auftria;
but this intereft we fhall defeat, if
we do not take care to purfue it in
fuch a manner, as not to give occa-
fion for any fuch jealoufy; for it is
not the power of the houfe of Au.
ftria alone that we are to fet up as a
balance to the power of France, but
the power of that house united with
the power of the German empire;
and whilft these two powers con-
tinue united, a little of our money,
with the affiftance of our navy, in
time of actual war, will always ren-
der them an effectual balance.

This

1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

This argument therefore, Sir, proves nothing, or it proves too much; for if we should refuse to grant any fubfidies in time of peace, the princes of the empire would retrench their expence, unless they are entirely abandoned; and if they be A entirely abandoned, they will certainly fell themselves to the highest bidder, in which France and Spain will certainly get the better of us; for whatever we may be in fighting, this nation alone is not equal to the power of those two monarchies in B giving; and the Dutch, I fear, are unable to contribute any share: Nay, I am afraid, that even as to the expence of this treaty, we muft, fome way or other, pay their fhare as well as our own; for, I believe, they are not able to pay it without making a reduction of their army; and if any troops are to be reduced, it is certainly more for our intereft, as well as the general intereft of Europe, that fome of the princes of the empire fhould be obliged, than that the Dutch fhould be obliged D to reduce the number of their regular troops.

Having thus, Sir, given my opinion very fully, and very freely, of the treaty now under our confideration, I fhall conclude with declaring, that notwithstanding what I have faid against the treaty itself, I fhall concur with my Hon. friend in his motion. Gentlemen, I fee, are furprized at this declaration; but they have not fo much reason, as they may perhaps imagine. Care will be taken, I hope, that the treaty fhall not produce any ill effect; and tho' the expence be, in my opinion, unneceffary, yet fince his majesty has been advised to engage in it, I fhall be for enabling him to make it good, because our refufal would derogate fo much from his majefty's credit and influence abroad, that it might be attended with confequences much more pernicious than any that can enfue from our complying with fuch

C

15.

a trifle of expence; and whoever
duly confiders this, will cease won-
dering at the declaration I have
made, and join with me in giving
an affirmative to the motion now be-
fore us.

Upon this Quintus Mucius ftood up,
and fpoke to the following Effect.
Mr. Chairman,
SIR,

A

LTHO' I highly approve of

what the Hon. gentleman who fpoke laft, was pleafed to conclude with, yet as I have an opinion of the treaty itself very different from what he feems to entertain, I fhall beg leave to give fome of the reasons for the opinion I have formed. I muft confefs, it is with great diffidence, that I differ from him in any opinion, but especially in an opinion relating to any foreign treaty, which is a fubject he has been fo long conversant in, and in which he has done fuch eminent service to his country. As I am thus diffident, Sir, it will oblige me to be the more methodical in what I am to offer in favour of this treaty; and for this purpose I fhall confider the object, the view, and the principle of the treaty before us. As to the object, it is the E election of a king of the Romans, in order to prevent any vacancy of the Imperial throne upon the death of the present emperor, whofe life I fhall grant may in all human appearance be, and I hope will be of long continuance; but this no man F can be fure of: He may, to the misfortune of Europe, and of this nation in particular, be fuddenly cut off in the prime of his age, and this misfortune would be highly exaggerated, fhould he die before any election of a king of the Romans; for G will any one fay, that the Germanick body can act with fuch vigour, either in defending itself, or affitting its allies, when it is without any head,

W.

M.

2414

16

PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

head, as when it is firmly united un-
der one head? Will any one fay,
that a country which is poffeffed by
fo many powerful princes, all jealous
of one another, and every one think-
ing himself intitled to fome part of
the territory poffeffed by his neigh- A
bour? I fay, can a country in fuch
circumftances be prefumed to con-
tinue in peace, when it has no fole
and fupreme judge to apply to, nor
any one person who has either the
right or the power to enforce its
laws, and to punish those who ven- B
ture to tranfgrefs them?

Jan. long interval which might happen before even a majority of the electors could be got to agree upon the choice of an emperor; for we may learn from the hiftories of that country, that they were once for at least 15 years before they could agree upon the choice of any emperor ; and we are told, that during all that time, the whole empire, in Italy as well as Germany, was in the utmost diforder and confusion.

The object of this treaty is there-
fore, Sir, in the prefent circum-
ftances of Europe, of the utmost
I know it may be faid, Sir, that importance even to this kingdom, as
during a vacancy of the Imperial we do not know how foon we may
throne, the government of the em- have occafion for the affiftance of the
pire devolves upon the two vicars; empire of Germany; confequently,
but as there is a difpute still fubfift- the obtaining of this object is of in-
ing between the elector Palatine, and C finitely greater value to us, than the
the elector of Bavaria, about one of fmall fubfidy which his majesty has
thefe vicariatfhips, and as the re- for this purpose engaged to pay to
fpective rights of the two vicars are the elector of Saxony; and now,
far from being fully fettled and afcer- Sir, as to the view or defign of this
tained by the laws of the empire, treaty, every one knows, that it is
this very establishment, inftead of to get the prefent emperor's eldest
preferving, might be the caufe of D fon elected king of the Romans,
disturbing the tranquillity of that which is a defign that feems to be
country: Nay, fuppofe that this univerfally approved of; and in-
eftablishment were fully perfected, deed, the continuance of the im-
fo that no contest could remain upon perial diadem in the houfe of Au-
that head, yet we cannot fuppofe, ftria is fo much for the interest of
that they would have power enough this country, that I fhould wonder
to prevent fome of the potent princes, E at hearing it difapproved by any
their neighbours, from taking that gentleman in this affembly; for
opportunity to vindicate by force of the house of Auftria, by means of
arms thofe rights or poffeffions, to their dominions in Italy, in the
which they imagined they had a juft Netherlands, and upon the Rhine,
title; or perhaps one of the vicars will always be the most useful, and
might himself be among the first to whilst they pursue their own inter-
tranfgrefs the laws, and interrupt the F eft, muft be the moft ready and
peace of his country; and both these
willing affiftant we can have in a war
with the houfe of Bourbon, because
with the house of Auftria we can
never have any material conteft,
and their fecurity depends as much
upon fupporting the power of this
kingdom, as our fecurity depends
upon fupporting theirs.

events we have the more reason to
fear, because both actually happened
during the last vacancy of the Impe-
rial throne. From all which, I
think, we have the ftrongest reafon
to conclude, that fhould fuch a va- G
cancy again happen, it would be
impoffible to preferve the internal
quiet of Germany for fo much as
one day, and much less during the

I come, in the laft place, to the principle upon which this treaty is founded, and that evidently appears

to

1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

A

B

to be the preservation of peace and
a balance of power in Europe. The
wildom or the uprightnefs of this
principle, Sir, I hope no gentle-
man will conteft; and that the peace,
as well as the balance of power,
depends upon preventing a vacancy
in the imperial throne, I have, I
think, already demonstated; but I
will now go farther and affirm, that
both depend, indifputably, in my
opinion, upon continuing the im-
perial diadem in the houfe of Auftria.
As to the prefervation of the peace
of Europe, let me fuppole, that
a majority of electois, through
French influence, for it can never
be through any thing elfe, fhould,
during the prefent emperor's life,
or even upon his death, pafs by
his fon, and chufe fome other prince
king of the Romans or emperor,
would the houfe of Auftria, could
we, could the Dutch, or any in-
dependent prince in Europe, fub.
mit willingly and peaceably to fuch
an illegal election? If we did, or
if we should be all forced to do D
fo, would there be any longer a
balance of power in Europe? Would
it be poffible for any nation in Eu-
rope to stand against the power of
the houfe of Bourbon, after their
having established a vice emperor in
Germany? We might perhaps en E
joy peace, but it would be fuch
a peace as flaves enjoy, who fub-
mit temely and patiently to the
arbitrary commands of their impe-
rious lords.

17

of, which to me feem to be incon-
fiftent. In the first place, it is faid,
that the treaty will defeat the end
intended by it; and to prove this,
the princes of Germany are repre-
fented as fuch mercenary creatures,
that they would expofe their country
to the danger of a destructive civil
war, for the fake of enjoying a
trifling fubfidy from us for two or
three years longer Sir, I am fur-
prifed to hear fuch an unjuft infi-
nuation: The princes of Germany
are generally known to be perfons
of great dignity as well as honour:
They may have different ways of
thinking, but I am perfuaded, there
is not one of them who would not
defpife any fum of money, when
it came in competition with the
true intereft of their country, and
this very treaty is a manifeft proof
of it; for the king of Poland had,
until the year 1750, a fubfidy from
France of double, the fum he is
now to have from us, and without
doubt might have had it continued,
if he would have accepted of it
upon her terms: Every fidy we
now pay, or may hereafter pay,
is a proof of the honour and pub-
lick ipirit of the princes of Ger-
many; for there is not one of them
who might not have a higher sub-
fidy from France than we are able
to pay. It is amazing what fums
of money are paid yearly by France,
by way of fubfidy to foreign princes
and ftates; I have lately feen an
authentick lift of them, from which
it appeared that, reckoning a livre
at a fhilling, the French now pay
yearly 300,000l. fterling to the
king of Pruffia, the fame fum to
the king of Sweden, 120,000l. to
Denmark, 50,000l. to the elector
Palatine; befides the fubfidies they
pay to the elector of Cologne, the
cantons of Swifferland, the repub-
lick of Genoa, and the princes of
Parma and Modena. Nothing there-
fore but a true regard to what they
think the intereft of their country.

Thus, Sir, I have fhewn that the object of this treaty is of the utmost F importance even to us, that the view or design of it is univerfally approved, and that the principle upon which it is founded is not only juft, but fuch a one as we must for our own fafety, as well as the fafety of Europe, neceffarily purfue. Can G we then difapprove of the treaty itfelf? This really feems to be a fort of paradox; and to fupport this paradox, two arguments are made ufe January, 1753.

18

PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &t. Jan.

can induce any prince in Germany to accept of any fubfidy from us; and if any gentleman thought otherwife, he fhould be cautious of expreffing his fentiments, or rather fufpicions, in this houfe; for he fhould confider, that there are always many strangers in our gallery.

But gentlemen feem to be confcious, Sir, that this charge of ve.. nality against the princes of Germany can gain no credit, therefore they fhift the fcene, and then thofe princes are reprefented as perfons acted only by a true publick fpirit; from whence it is inferred, that if an immediate election of a king of the Romans be neceffary for the fafety of the empire, thofe princes would proceed to it directly, and agree in it unanimoufly, with out any fubfidy from us; and particularly with refpect to the king of Poland it is faid, that not only his regard to the true intereft of Germany, but his regard to his own intereft, must prevail with him to concur in chufing the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans as foon as poffible, because he cannot other, wife fecure the crown of Poland to himself and his fon after him. Now, Sir, as to the general argument I must obferve, that it seems to be the opinion of every gentleman in this houfe, not only that the archduke Jofeph should be chofen king of the Romans, but that he fhould be chofen as soon as may be. This, I fay, feems to be the unanimous opinion here, but this, it is plain, is not the unanimous opinion of the electors and princes of Germany, otherwife the election would already have been inade. I am far trom uppofing that we can, by a fubfidy, induce any of thole princes to be of our opinion: No, Sir; this mult be done by negotia tion and argument; and when we have fo far fucceeded in this way, as to bring any one over to our apition, is it not prudent in us,

B

is it not our intereft to ftrengthen his hands as much as we can, by granting him a fubfidy, efpecially as we know, that France is doing the fame with respect to all thofe who are at prefent of the fame A fentiments with her? For I have fo good an opinion of the king of Pruffia and the electors Palatine and Cologne as to think, that it is not the fubfidies they have from France, that makes them refufe to concur in the election of a king of the Romans, but because they are not yet convinced of its being neceffary for the fafety of the empire; and as France is thus ftrengthning the hands of all thofe that are of the fame fentiments with her, I shall freely own, that if it were in our C power, I fhould be for our being equal with her in this refpect; but as this is not in our power, we must truft to the justice of our caufe more than to the weight of our purfe ; yet I cannot think, we ought to truft entirely to the juftice of our caufe, for if we neglect any means we have in our power, we fhall deferve to be neglected by Providence.

D

E

F

G

Then, Sir, with regard to the particular argument relating to the king of Poland, confidering his conduct in the late war, I am furprised any one fhould think him fo much attached to the houfe of Auftria, as that no confideration can separate him from the intereft of that houfe.» Did he not foon after the beginning of the late war join in the confederacy against that houfe? Did he not continue to exert his utmostftrength in favour of that confederacy until he found himself forfaken by the Pruffians, and the French as well as the Bavarians unable to give him any affistance? Therefore the gaining of him, who is one of the vicars, and the only indifputed vicar in the empire, muft be allowed to be a new, and a very confiderable acquifition to the common cause ;

and