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be most subservient to the purposes of use-
fulnesses On this principle it is quite ridicu-
lous to object to the extension of our military
system, on the score of jis withdrawing the
population of the country from productive
to naproductive, industry. It only with-
draws the population from the office of ad-
ministering to our luxury, to the office of ad-
ministering to our security. The enjoyment
of security is balance with the enjoyment
of luxury the one clearly outweighs the
other, and the question is of course decided.
-The sixth chapter treats of taxation. In
the principles of this chapter, he may not be
supported by your concurrence, or that of
the generality of your readers. The course
of bis speculations leads him to give a de-
cided preference to the income tax, though
the mudifications which he proposes serve to
palliate, if not to remove the chief inconve-
niencies which have been alledged against it.
-The next chapter treats of the effects of
taxation on the labouring classes of the com-
manity. The author, contends that the
comforts of the pensantry cannot be perma-
nently abridged by taxation, that a virtual
exemption from all taxes is the necessary
privilege of a labourer's, condition; that any
tax imposed upon labourers is in the long
run infallibly made up to them by an ad-ery, that there is a consumption of corn, not
vance in their wages, and that it is there- strictly necessary to the existence of man;
fore unwise to hold out the shew of oppres-- and to which, in a season of scarcity we
sion to the lower orders of the community, could have recourse. I advert to the corn
when every tax, which they appear to pay to. consumed by the distilleries, by the brewe-
government, is in fact paid by their masters. ries, and by horses used only for pleasure. If
and employers. He takes occasion when ever the necessity should arise of making use
upon this subject to enter into considerable of this resource to apply this luxuriant con-
length on the compulsory service of govern sumption of corn, for the necessary suste-
ment; and exposes in the strongest terms nance of man, it should be recollected, that
its cruelty, its impolicy, and its injustice.- it will be followed by the discouragement of
His last chapter is employed in clearing the farmer. What can be a greater discon-
away a number of difficulties and objections; ragement than the depriving him of such
and in his conclusion, he applies the princi-markets, as the distilleries, the breweries,
ples of his performance to the question of
peace or war; he attempts to ascertain how
long a country may be able to maintain a
warlike system, and what is the unit of its
exertions; and arrives at this consolatory re-:
sult, that the country was never at so great a
distance from the limit of its exertions as at
this moment,' and never so prepared to enterprize and exertion; it will cause him to
bark in a war unexampled in its magnitude,
and indefinite, in its duration,I am,
&a Wło zrboqa qur or

fact, of our being a largely imparting.coun-
try, have a tendency to counterbalance the
evil, and in any degree to secure us from
those dangers to which I fear we are ex-
posed. Secondly, I will endeavour to trace
out the cause or causes of our present situa
tion, after which will arise the consideration,
whether there exists a possibility of avoiding
those dreadful consequences, with which I..
think we are threatened. Could it be
shewn, that we export provisions to an equal
extent with our import of them, this would
be one fact, counterbalanced by another;
and one, not only consolatory, but perfectly
satisfactory. The returns from the Custom-
house, however, prove the contrary.— -It is
with pleasure, then, that I recollect, there
does exist a resource of which the legislature
might avail itself at a moment of dearth, fa-
mine, or any other extreme emergency; one
which I am aware, should only be resorted
to, with the greatest reluctance and caution;
one that ought to remain unreduced and
unimpaired, until the last moment, until the
most dire and fearful necessity should call
for its being ex; ended or in any way dimi
nished.-Alarmed as I am, for the reasons I
stated to you in my former letter, I rejoice
that we do possess a large and available grain-

2"

L

MR WAKEFIELD'S 20. LETTER. SIR Upon the data, which I think I have pretty well established in my former letter,ad will now proceed to consider, First, Whether there exist at this moment any circumstances which as opposed to the

and the maintainence of pleasure horses.This discouragement will not be felt at the moment, but the evil consequences of it will be permanent, the fear of bad prices, and inadequate returus for his labour and capital, once excited in the mind of the farmer, will relax, if not destroy the spirit and life of

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lessen the sums he had been accustomed to spend in agricultural improvement; he will manure less; he will be tempted to lay down his lands in baste, and, therefore, in an extremely bad state. These evils will be continued ones; they are such as the legis lature should never create, but when driven by the necessity of averting the pressure of an evil, so great and so dreadful, as famine. The demand which a farmer has for corn,

by reason of the distilleries, the breweries, and horses kept for pleasure, fortunately counteracts the ruinous effects of the importation of corn. It has been thought, by almost every one a matter of great wisdom, to annually purchase, or, to speak more correctly, to lay up an income, under the name of a Sinking Fund, which supports the national credit, by means of its reaction, against the millions which are yearly borrowed, and added to the national debt. If this is a wise measure in finance, must not the same policy be good in regard to human sustenance. We import a given quantity of provisions, this is bad enough in every sense for the country. In the grain consunied (as I have already described) in the distilleries, &c. we have a consumption within ourselves which we can stop, and make as much use of as if corn was laid up in a grainery. This is the only counteraction, of which I know, against the importation of corn; a counteraction of the utmost importance, and in as much as the proportion which this internal superfluous consumption bears to our import of grain, is larger than the proportion which the sinking fund bears towards the national debt, so much more important, and greater is the security of the country. I consider this as a comparison of which use may be fairly made. But, Sir, I cannot leave this part of the subject, without stating in the strongest terms the danger there would be to the country, by the most trifling admission of any thing leading to the conclusion, that any but the people of England should be permitted to consume, much less to expend the contents of this national grainery; this resource so truly the property of the public, who have made it so, by exciting the British farmer to create this produce by the encouragement which this profitable market has held out to him, in consequence of which he can supply the public with food, at a price attainable by all classes of the community. The instant the farmer shall be deprived of the demand created by the distilleries, &c. the corn which he has raised for the of purposes, will be thrown on the market ru sheman sustenance; then the fall of price will depress his enterprize, and damp his exertion. The necessary consequence will be, that his, produce will shrink ia proportion, will lessen as his prospects are darkened. This would be the case, even if the people of England themselves wanted, and urged by necessity availed themselves of this resource. Should then any body of men, either in or out of the kingdom be permitted to glut and ruin the market of the British farmer, for purposes of convenience or profit? Shall we

for a moment think of thus discouraging our agriculture for the sake of any colonial advantage whatever? Shall we permit the colonies to say to the distiller, and the brewer, &c. you shall no longer consume the produce of the British soil; but, instead thereof, you shall consume the produce of our plantations; you shall enliven our enterprize and augment our gains; though at the expence of the mother country, and at the hazard of her suffering from scarcity, dearth, or even famine. This would be nothing less than giving a preference to present gain, over future wealth, prosperity, and safety. However consolatory to the public may be the knowledge of this resource, which is a counterbalance to the importation of corn, it is accompanied with an anxious conviction of the urgency and necessity of preserving and securing this resource, with the utmost jealousy and caution. It is a fund of subsistence, of which the country will never avail itself, but with the greatest circumspection and reluctance, and only on the utmost necessity. The possession of this fund is not to be put into comparison with any other public possession whatever; and the greater the danger arising from an importation of subsistence, the greater necessity of watching over, and augmenting this only source of reaction. This argument I make use of, upon the single ground of feeding the inha bitants of the United Kingdom. But, if 1 proceed, and consider this rainous importa tion, and the possession of this resource, as they affect the wealth, the revenue, and the trade of the kingdom, every argument is strengthened, every circumstance is rendered more impressive and conclusive.--Recollecting the millions of British money, paid in the course of the last fifty years to foreign farmers; and feeling that the same produce might have been procured at home by expending these millions in England; I deprecate the system which has been pursued, and I call for the consideration of the public on this subject; not alone, upon the ground of necessity, but upon that of policy also, to guard against a system which if continued, will first impoverish, and then starve the country, -In another letter I will resume the subject of my first to you.—And am, Sir, yours, &c.--EDWARD WAKEFIELD March 24, 1808.

CORN IMPORTATIONS.

SIR,- -The letter of Mr. Edward Wakefield, which appeared in your last Register, treats of a subject of such extreme impor tance, that it seems almost to be a duty p cumbent upon every one, who differs from

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ther who eats wheaten bread, consumes a quarter of wheat a year, we shall have 4 millions; in the latter one million to spare, I do not take upon me to assert that I am exact as to the number of acres employed in the growth of wheat, but I am very near the mark. At any rate the number of acres may be easily known, and pursuing the same mode, as I have done here, the average quantity of wheat may be also known.The present low price is a sure proof that there is a great abundance in the country. And I should be glad to know the quantities exported and imported during the last two years. Perhaps, Mr. Wakefield may inform us --I am, Sir, &c.-D. H.

AMFRICAN STATES.

him in opinion, to deliver his sentiments. If the observations I am about to offer are, in your judgment, worthy of notice, you will perhaps favour me by inserting them, when you find it convenient to do so. You will, doubtless, have perceived that the whole force of Mr. W's arguments depends upon a certain account of exports and imports with which he has furnished us, and which, I will take for granted is correct. But, Sir, as he professes to argue, not for the vanity of victory," but "to discover truths, important to the best interests of our country," I am at a toss to conceive why he should have taken into consideration our exports from 1777 to 1804 only, which year, I believe, is not included, whereas in considering our imports, he is very particular in giving us "the enormdus quantity" imported from A1800 to 1806. In the former part of his letter he expressly SIR,It was not my intention to troumentions the years 1800 and 1801 as years ble you or the public with any reply to the of dearth, and I am surprised that this cir- remarks you were pleased to make on my cumstance should not have appeared to him former letters, in your Register of 26th a sufficient reason for exporting so small a March, for as you pretty nearly gave up the quantity as 5;400 qrs, during those and the point, as to the premiums of insurance, and two following years. If his list of exports the whole course of your observations rehad extended to the present time, it is very specting America proved, that you really do probable his alarms might have abated, and feel towards the United States, all the rehave ceased to produce uneasiness in others, sentment that I had heard attributed to you; which, at this time, is certainly desirable; it seemed to me not very important, to the when clamours and disaffection are attempt-practical result, whether you had used the ed to be raised in different parts of the king-exact words, I was assured you did, and I kom, which his statement has undoubtedly a tendency to increase. The surest way of coming to a just conclusion on this subject, appears to me to be this; viz. to ascertain the average quantity of wheat produced in the country one year with another; which nuay be done, I conceive thus: It is generally allowed that there are 50 millions ofed. I am told that it would be to libel my acres of land in a state of cultivation, one half of which, from the general mode of agriculture which is adopted, are arable. Now, Sir, of this half, again, I presume, it will be readily granted me that one fourth part (I might say one third) is employed in the growth of wheat. If I am correct so far, we have, every autumn, about 6 millions of acres of wheat to reap, and, reckoning two qrs. only on each acre, we gather into our barns the enormous quantity of 12 millions of qrs." Mr. Wakefield supposes, that the portion of the population in Great Britain, which is supported upon wheat, cannot exceed 8 millions; and, he adds, is seldom more than 7. You suppose them to be 11 millions. In the former case, if it be true, that on an average one individual with ano

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am too little of a partizan, and too little accustomed to political controversy, to be disposed to continue the strife.-But the letter in your Register of the 9th inst. under the signature I., contains insinuations respecting my motives and arguments, of too malignant a nature to be suffered to remain unanswer

feelings and principles, were he to designate me as a British American Merchant, and that I am the prejudiced advocate of America and France. If such is to be the language held towards an individual, who feels powerfully conscious that his motives are pure and upright, even if his opinions are mistaken ;. if every man, who doubts the wisdom or the equity of the decisions of the reigning ministry, is to be branded as a traitor to his country, and a retainer of the enemy; then, indeed, is the liberty of the press a mockery, then is that best part of our constitution, the force of public opinion, a perfect nullity, for no honest man can canvas the justice, or the policy of our political conduct towards foreign nations, without incurring the odium of being represented as a traitor. But, I re

Supplement to No. 16, Vol. XIII-Price 10d.

pel your correspondent's insinuations with disdain! I am, Sir, an English American merchant, which, unless I am mistaken, is more than he can say for himself. I love my country better than I love any own interest; I have children, who must stand or fall by my country; and it is only because, I have believed her to be doing an injustice to America, which I also believed, and still believe, was sought to be justified on grounds. of misrepresentation; and, furthermore, because I believed our interests as a nation would suffer by that injustice, that I endeavoured to set you right on some points, which appeared to me to have a bearing on the subject. These were my only motives, and I own that I feel somewhat indignant at the foul and base insinuations, which your correspondent I. has thrown out respecting me. My object was truth, and as I am com vinced by I.'s letter, that I have been mistaken in saying that "the premiums through "the year 1807, up to the news of the at"fair of the Chesapeake, were at peace

rates," it is my duty thus publicly to admit my mistake, but, at the same time, it is fair I should be allowed to explain how I fell into it. After all, it is little more than the mistake of a month, and does not affect the argument; and your correspondent should be careful not to fall himself into mistakes, whilst he accuses me of them. Yet, he says, (p. 566) that we heard of the Berlin Decree about the latter end of January, 1807, when I have before me a London newspaper of December 9, 1806, giving the decree at full length. This gentleman has thus made no small mistake in point of fime ain; but, as I have no doubt he meant to quote correctly from his memory, I accuse him not of intentional misrepresentation, and I only ask the same civility for myself. The fact is, (as I have now ascertained) the virtual suspension of that de eree as to the Americans, (I mean Décrés's Letter) was known here in the latter end of January, 1807. Speaking from 'memory. I had supposed, when I wrote you my first letter, that this was known here the end of December, 1806; and recollecting, that in a few days afterwards, premiumns did fall to their usual rates, I inadvertently used the Words through the year 1807," instead of from the news of Decres's letter to that of the affair of the Chesapeake, "The premiams your correspondent I: quotes, are assuredly higher than peace premiums, though not greatly so, when allowance is made for the season kerest, 4nd the various quality of affect the premium.,

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opinion, I find

amongst our policies one of the 20th Jan,
1807, from Virginia to London at 4 guineas,..
which considering the season of the year, is
so very little above the peace premiem, that
it is clear the alarm was fast subsiding, and
I think it will turn out, that the insurance
effected by I, in February, was very early in
that month. His remark, that premiums
kept up in America till April, is, I doubt,
not true; but is only the obvious conse-
quence of the length of time required to
convey intelligence across the Atlantic."
Your correspondent has recapitulated his ar-
guments, suffer me briefly, fo recapitulate
my facts.The Berlin Derreg was known
here in December 1800. It was known
here in January 1807, that the American
Minister at Paris, hás protested against the
decree, as affecting American commerce,
had been assured it should not be molested.
Premiums of insurance, which unquestion
ably rose here greatly in this interval fell
very shortly after Decrés's letter was heard
of, to peace rates, and so continued till Ju-
ly, when the affair of the Chesapeake was
known The insidious questions put to
Buonaparté by the French prize court, and
his answers to which overturned Decrés's as-
surances, were not put till September, were
certainly not known here till October, if
even before November; but I cannot speak
with absolute certainty to this point; he
material thing is, that our Orders in Council
were issued, before it was possible to know
whetlier America would protest against the
enforcement of the Berlin Decree or not. I
think this is a fair summary of facts, and if
it be admitted to be so, I think I have proved
my former assertions to be essentially true
Had we not issued these Orders in Council,"
I think America had now been at war with
France. If, therefore, to wish we had not
issued them, be an offence to my beloved
country I am indeed, the most oflending
man alive."On the extracts of leners from
the continent produced by your correspón-
dent I, I will only remark, that they all
speak in general terms, withont gaming
place, or hip; and, further, that I have
never been able to learn distinctly, that aby
ship had actually been condemned in France,
Spain, or Holland, previous to our Orders in
Council. I stated a ship by name, that had
been distinctly released after capture and
trial, which is rather more to the point; and

seriously do not think there is any hothen
tic advice in Loud n, of an actual condem-
nation ap to the period I have mentioned.
I have now done with your correspondent,
and will take the liberty to say one word to
you in reply to your question, in page 191,

forward the friendly disposition of America towards France, as a reason that we should concede and truckle to his Transatlantic friends? He shews the cloven foot more plainly than A. B. of the Morning Chroni cle. He is not a man to be listened to on this subject, on which self interest must na

"Do you advise ministers to give up to Mr. Jefferson, the right of search for seamen?" I'do not; but to abandon a right, and to exercise it without wrong, are two different matters. If the Americans insist on the unqualified abandonment, I fully agree, that we are bound to refuse it; but, I have understood distinctly, that all they desire, is totally incline him to deprecate a war with

have this search so exercised, as to avoid the many acts of oppression, which they say are committed under its colour. If I state this incorrectly, it is not from a desire to mislead; but, because I think it to be the truth, —I am, Sir, your humble servant,-AN AMERICAN MERCHANT New Broad-street, April 11, 1808.

AMERICAN STATES.

SIBI have read with a considerable degree of attention, all the articles that have appeared in your Register on the subject of America, during the last six months. Had your exertions in the cause, and for the honour of your native country, been confined to this one point, you would even then have been intitled to the thanks of every honest and dispassionate man; but, as your meritorious labours on this subject, form but a very small part of your works, this nation, in my opinion, owes you a debt of gratitude very rarely due to the conduct of an individual. In describing the frauds of American debtors, and the obvious bias which such men as the Barings have to sacrifice national honour to private interest, you have made out a very strong case in support of your arguments against commerce, though perhaps you carry your doctrines a little too far. I think commerce has become a curse to this country, from having been carried to too great an extent, to the prejudice of the more important interests of society; but such is the force of early impressions, and perhaps, you will say, prejudices, that though totally unconnected with trade myself, I cannot go quite as far as you do in reprobating it; but, at the same. time, confess that every year's experience diminishes my estimation of its importance. We live in extraordinary times, Mr. Cobbett, so I am not much surprised to find the philanthropic Mr. Roscoe, indirectly advocating the cause of France; or, rather of Buomaparié, and Mr, Alexander Earing more openly acting as the advocate of America, This man has the effrontery to defend and plead for the Americans, telling us too, that they are naturally inclined to the side of France, as long as she is inferior to us at sea. Has commerce so far stupified the understanding, or corrupted the principles of this golitico-mercantile gentleman, that he brings

"the virtuous young republic," to the government of which he has, perhaps, lent his money. Few amongst us who are Britons at heart as well as by birth, who have not placed our money in the American funds, who have resolved to stand by our country to the last, who never basely console ourselves with the idea that should the worst happen, we can then, deserting our native land, fly to America where we had previously insured our welcome;-few of us I say, shall feel any regret should Mr. Alexander Baring, or even should the late Lord High Chancellor Baron Erskine, of Clackmannau, know from sad experience the perfidy of American debtors. I think it would be attended with good effect, Mr. Cobbett, if you were to consolidate what has lately appeared in your Weekly Register on the subject of America, into a small pamphlet. You have displayed much acute reasoning, and advanced many stubborn facts, which might by this means be more generally diffused throughout the kingdom than they perhaps are at present, as many people, from the almost universal interest taken in the subject, would read the pamphlet who have not had an opportunity of seeing the numbers of the Register, in which the conduct of America has been so ably discussed. By inserting this in some future Number you will oblige, Yours, &c.-ALGERNON-March 21,

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Sta, When Mr. Baring and his peti tioning junto, exclaimed so loudly against the intrusion of clerks into the meeting of American merchants, I guessed (well knowing the character of the faction) that we should find, on inquiry, that a large number of their supporters at the meeting wete o that description; but, I did not suppose they would have pushed impudence and inconsis tency so far, as to have permitted those very clerks to have signed the petition presented, as the petition of merchants. Yet, Sir, one of the first names affixed to the patriotic pe tition from London (patriotic, indeed, if, as reported, it is signed chiefly by Americans) is that of one Palmer, who though a petitioner, and of course incapable by law of giving, evidence in his own cause, was one of

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