sway in the assembly, whether in or out of office, could not be very consistent with public tranquillity. It will, no doubt, be urged, that means ought to be employed to remove this ignorance, a suggestion in the propriety of which we readily concur; yet it would be chimerical to imagine, that the mere setting up a number of schools would instan aneously accomplish the desired object. Such institutions would act only upon the young, who, in growing up, might still imbibe largely the ideas and habits of their seniors; so that more than a generation must pass before any very decided change could be produced.

"The example of the United States will probably be adduced by those who are adverse to such a limitation. It is not necessary to enter into any lengthened comparison, or to inquire, whether among the acknowledged merits of their political system the evils of its almost universal suffrage are not perceptible. It may be enough now to observe, that throughout a large portion of the Union, there has for ages been a very wide diffusion of intelligence; that through another section equally extensive, the prevalence of slavery forms a severe property qualification; and finally, that this constitution being in its basis purely democratical, affords no ground for reasoning in relation to a colony which, as long as it is attached to Britain, must share the mixed government of the mothercountry.

"Another obvious advantage of giving some weight to property is, that without any national proscription, it would materially diminish the influence of the French population, and proportionally raise that of the British. How important this object is, even on the supposition of a union between the two provinces, will presently appear. With regard to the amount of qualification, there cannot certainly be any good ground for making it less than our own rate of £10. On the contrary, considering that the diffusion of property is much wider, and that of intelligence more limited, double that amount would not probably be too high. It would in fact be less exclusive than the lower rate in this country, since there is scarcely an individual in the Canadas who, with ordinary intelligence and vigorous exertion, might not elevate himself to the possession of it.

"The Legislative Council is another important institution which has not worked very satisfactorily, and yet there appears great difficulty in devising any improvement upon it. Its members, appointed by the crown for life, have been accused of being too subservient, while its collisions with the Assembly have been extremely violent. Lord Durham, who allows that, on repeated occasions, it has acted as a salutary check on the irregular proceedings of the latter body, nevertheless considers its constitution as inconsistent with sound principles, and requiring revisal. He

does not, however, make any suggestions on the subject, and ministers, it appears, do not intend to propose any change, except as to the selection of its members, either from the representative body or from the holders of important offices, and as to the duration of their functions, to be limited to eight years. If the Assembly shall have its character raised, and at the same time obtain an executive acting in harmony with it, there will probably cease to be the same wide disjunction between the two legislative bodies.

The

"It would be improper to conclude without noticing the plan of a union between the two Canadas, so strongly recommended by Lord Durham, and which the British cabinet have announced their intention to propose. reasons in its favour, indeed, appear to be very strong. Although we hope to see the enmity of the French inhabitants overcome much sooner than his lordship anticipates, yet, considering its present intensity, some years must previously elapse; and during that interval it would be manifestly inexpedient to assemble a legislature in Lower Canada. The chief sway in the government could not, it is obvious, be given to a party who have been endeavouring to subvert it; while the superiority of their opponents could only be secured by imposing certain humiliating dis qualifications. If, therefore, this province were to stand alone, it might be necessary to permit a temporary exercise of absolute power until the ferment now existing should in some degree subside. The arguments, however, urged by the noble lord against such a measure, appear very conclusive. With the experience of a free government, and the example of the United States in their neighbourhood, it could scarcely fail to aggravate the spirit of discontent; and a delegated authority would not probably command sufficient respect. It is, therefore, only by the proposed union, that, without proscription or disfranchisement, the French party can be prevented from regaining their majority in the representation. The measure, moreover, seems urgently called for by the relative posi tion of the two provinces, which renders their continued separation extremely inconvenient, especially to the upper, which is thus exclu ded from all direct communication with the sea. Accordingly, though such unions are usually at first unpopular, Upper Canada has shown a disposition decidedly favourable to it. The House of Assembly, who have declared this union indispensable, must better express the sentiments of the people than the Legis. lative Council, who, by a small majority, have withheld their assent. Even they, however, express a willingness to consider any plan which the British Government may propose. We really see no ground for that precipitate haste demanded by Lord Durham and his friends, in a measure which, as already observed, can have no immediate effect in removing the main evil, consisting in French

discontent. The delay till 1842 proposed by ministers, seems on the whole eligible, as enabling the measure to be maturely considered and giving time for the violent and agitated feelings kindled during the recent contest to assume gradually a calmer tone.

"There is here, however a serious danger, to which Lord Durham has not sufficiently adverted. He calculates that out of a million in both provinces there are 450,000 French. If, therefore, the system of election continue unaltered, they will return nine against eleven of the members of the united House of Assembly; and such a minority, seeking not only to oppose, but to overthrow a government, would, it is manifest, prove exceedingly embarrassing. Nor is this by any means the whole evil; for there is in Upper Canada a party of some strength decidedly republican, who having acted along with the French, would probably act so again; and these reinforced by others who, from various causes, might happen to be discontented, could scarcely fail to secure a majority. This is not a merely speculative conclusion; for in the last meeting of the Assembly in the lower province, a healing measure proposed by Mr. A. Stuart, a moderate oppositionist, was negatived by sixty-two to fifteen. The loyalists in the Assembly called by Sir Francis Head, in the upper province, were reckoned at forty-two to nineteen. Thus we have

"Lord Durham, in alluding to the chance of such a result, argues that the immigration of a single year would restore the equilibrium. Such an assembly, however, would exert every effort to prevent this influx, and the very condition into which the colony would be thereby thrown, would greatly tend to deter British settlers from proceeding thither. Besides, it has neither been customary, nor would it be at all convenient, to re-arrange the electoral districts annually according to changes of population. The distribution once made, must subsist for a considerable interval, during which the malecontent party would remain masters of the representative body.

"It seems evident, therefore, that the proposed union can take place with no safety unless in connexion with some arrangement ensuring an immediate and decided majority to the British party in the Assembly. A rise in the property qualification, which has been shown on other grounds to be highly expedient, would in this respect have a considerable influence. The proposed new distribution of districts, in which respect is to be paid, not to population only, but to extent, and the prospect of their being filled up by

successive bodies of emigrants, will produce a similar effect, and does not seem liable to serious objection.

"We shall conclude with a subordinate, but still very important object, to which Lord Durham has devoted a laudable degree of attention. One of the greatest evils under which he considers the country to labour, is the absence of any institution such as would give to the people a control over their local affairs. Among the French inhabitants, it appears there never was any institution by which they were brought together for an administrative purpose, nor had they in their character, like the Anglo-Saxon race, any principle of energy or self-government to supply what was wanting. The southern districts were first peopled by settlers from the United States, who formed them into townships, after the model of those in the country they had left; but this course was checked by the British authorities.

"Under the new plan of government preparing for Canada, it is proposed to remedy this defect. Yet it seems to deserve consideration, whether, until the present excitement of factions is somewhat abated, such assemblies could take place without a perilous collision, and even some degree of oppression on the part of the majority. An arrangement of districts, making each to contain exclusively either French or English inhabitants, would in a great measure avert this danger. Yet it would tend to prolong the separation and retard that union of feeling between the two races which is so desirable. It seems, therefore, a measure not to be engaged in hastily, nor without the most minute attention to its arrangements and details."

But

"There would, no doubt," says he," be difficulties in the measure, and the union could not at first, perhaps, be made complete. The colonists, at present, would scarcely consent to intrust their local concerns, or yield the power of taxing them, to an assembly so remote, and in which their members would form so small a minority. For these purposes local parliaments might still seem to be necessary. the arrangement, could it be effected, would prove an unalloyed privilege, and the objections both of feeling and interest, which have sometimes rendered such schemes unpopular, would be gradually obviated. At the commencement there would not be any occasion on their part to demand a very large number of representatives, which indeed would be in Fifteen or sixmany respects inconvenient.

teen might be deemed quite enough, and would not, in fact, when compared with the population, be much inferior to the proportion sent by Ireland. Nor would such an increase make any material addition to the members who already crowd the house of commons. Owing to the paucity of independent fortunes in the colonies it would probably be necessary to pay the deputies; and should there be any difficulty in finding a sufficient number of natives to undertake the office, there would be no want of British statesmen ready to become candidates for the honour of supplying their place."

Turning from political affairs, we should have been well pleased to have given a few extracts from the chapter on emigration, which is elaborately drawn up, containing details of every thing connected with outfit, expense, choice of locality, value of produce, and chance of profits; but we must be content to refer such of our readers as take an interest in these matters to the work itself. We shall now close our notice of these volumes, and of the general series to which they belong, by giving two short extracts -one as to the number of emigrants that have left their country for British America since 1821; and the other, on the superficial extent of the colonies.

"The following is a statement of the number of emigrants from 1821, when the great tide began to flow into Canada.

The

"The following is a comparative statement of the quarters whence these emigrants came during the last nine years :—

.

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|15,945 28,000 50.254 51,746 21,752 30,935 12,507 27,722 21,901

15

"It will thus appear that considerable

fluctuations have taken place in the tide of emigration. In 1831 and 1832 it was at its height; but the ravages of the cholera in the latter year, the influx of a number somewhat too great to be immediately disposed of, and the contradiction of the flattering reports previously circulated, caused a signal re-action. In 1834 these impressions subsided, and an increase took place, though not to the former extent. In 1835 there was another fall, partly perhaps from the same causes as before, and probably also from the flourishing state of trade at home. In 1836 the numbers were again augmented, and chiefly consisted, so far as England was concerned, of settlers from the agricultural counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Hampshire. In 1837 the amount was somewhat diminished, though still nearly double that of 1835. The reduction from England was 6608, from Scotland 715, but these were partly compensated by an increase of 1948 from Ireland. They

York, Mr. Hawke calculated that at least 6,000 came thence to Upper Canada. If the same proportion were preserved in 1836, the number would exceed 22,000, and in 1837, 12,000.

"Mr. Buchanan, in his official report, published at the beginning of 1838, anticipates that the unhappy insurrection, having been speedily and completely crushed, would be no bar to the emigration of that year. He has been mistaken; for the vague idea of Canada being in rebellion has almost completely deterred settlers, the number of whom did not quite amount to 5,000; though, according to the most exact statements, the alarm seems to have had little foundation.

"From different quarters we can collect the distribution of the new settlers who arrived at Quebec in the years 1832, 1834, 1836, and 1837, throughout the various parts of the province.

"The emigrants of 1837 consisted of 11,740 men, 6079 women, and 4082 children. There came out on their own resources 20,330, and by means of parochial aid 1571.

"The ports in England whence the settlers of 1837 chiefly sailed were, in the order of importance, Liverpool, Lynn, London, Yarmouth, Plymouth, Hull, Portsmouth, and Bristol; in Ireland, Cork, Dublin, Belfast, Sligo, Londonderry, Limerick, and Waterford; in Scotland, Greenock, Leith, Aberdeen, Cromarty, Glasgow, and Dundee."

formerly observed, is estimated by M. Bouchette at 205,863 square miles; but as part of it reaches beyond the fiftieth parallel, which may be taken as the limit of American cultivation, while much of the remainder is unproductive, 90,000 of these may be deducted. The whole, however, of Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, may fairly be included, since, though there are certain waste tracts in them, they possess, upon the whole, rather more than average fertility. We shall then have