1753. 9 JOURNAL of the PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES in the POLITICAL CLUB, continued from p. 549, of our laft Year's MAGAZINE. 1 rendering that meafure effectual. am now to give you a Debate we It was, indeed, then thought that this bad in our Club upon a new Sub. nation would not have been put to any fidy Treaty, whereby it was flipu- farther expence upon that account, lated, that a Subfidy of 32,000l. and perhaps we should not, if it had per Ann. Should be paid by us to been thought prudent to proceed to the King of Poland, Elector of A an election upon our having fecured Saxony; which Debate was open- only a bare majority of the electors; ed by Servilius Prifcus, who spoke but every gentleman mut fee, that to this Effect: in order to render this election the Mr. Chairman, T B HE treaty between his majefty and the ftates general on the one part, and the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, on the other, concluded at Drefden the 13th of September laft, having been referred to this com. mittee, I now rife up to move for C granting fuch a fum to his majefty, as may be neceffary for enabling him to make good the engagements he has entered into by that treaty; and I cannot fuppofe, that it will be neceffary for me to make use of many arguments for inducing the houfe to comply with the motion I am to make; because this treaty, with the king of Poland, was a natural and indeed a neceffary confe. quence of that with the elector of Bavaria, which was laft feffion fo wifely approved of by a great majority of this affembly. The providing against a vacancy of the imperial throne, by getting the eldeft fon of the prefent emperor chosen king of the Romans, was then thought to be a measure fo neceffary for fecuring the peace of Europe, and preferving the balance of power, that few gentlemen feemed to grudge any expence that might be found to be neceflary for HP. January, 1753 E more firm and indisputable, it will be proper to have the concurrence of the whole electoral coliege, or at least of as many of them as can pofiibly be procured; and for this purpose it was neceflary, among the very firft, to gain the king of Poland, e'ector of Saxony, not only as being one of the moit powerful electors, but as being one of the two vicars of the empire. It was upon this maxim, Sir, that his majesty entered into the negotiation for the treaty now under our confideration; and the maxim was fo apparently wife and juft, that the Dutch, without any difficulty D not only approved of it, but allo agreed to bear a proportionable share of the expence, notwithstanding the prefent low ftate of their finances, and the heavy debt they now labour under. That wife people are fully fenfible of the dangerous confequence of a new vacancy in the imperial throne, therefore they rightly judge, that it ought to be guarded against at any expence ; and confidering the difputes fill fubfifting between this nation and France as well as Spain, we have more reason than the Dutch to be afraid of that danger; for the freedom and independency of the Dutch is of fuch an immediate concern to all the princes of Germany, that if France and Spain fhould attempt to conquer Hol F B Holland, it would in a manner force all those princes to put an end to, or at leaft to fufpend all their mutual difputes and animofities, and cordially unite together for the protection of Holland. In fuch a cafe, and for fuch a purpose, they would A fcon agree upon the choice of an emperor, and all join in a confederacy for faving their neighbouring ftate. But if upon a vacancy of the imperial throne, a civil war fhould arife in Germany about the choice of a fucceffor, and France B and Spain fhould take that opportunity to endeavour to drive us out of all our poffeffions in Afia, Africa, and America, as well as the Mediterranean, fuch an attempt would be thought of very little concern to the princes of Germany, and C confequently would have no fuch influence as to force them to put an end to the civil war among themfelves, especially if we had before fhewn ourselves quite indifferent about their concerns, and had refused to concur in any meafures D for preventing that civil war. E I know, Sir, it is an unpopular and invidious task to talk against the power or ftrength of one's country; but I defpife flattering even my native country, at the expence of my fincerity; and therefore I muft de clare, that, in my opinion, it would. be impoffible for us by ourfelves alone to support a war of any continuance against the united power of France and Spain, and probably of the whole houfe of Bourbon. In fuch a war they would certainly F compel Portagal to refufe admittance to our fhips of war into any of her ports, and might perhaps compel that kingdom to join with them in the war againft us; for as that kingdom lies open to an attack from Spain by land, against G which we could give it little or no affillance, it would be forced to receive the law from the houfe of Bourbon; and let gentlemen confider what a condition our hips would be in, if upon any distress or danger they had not a port to retire to from the Land's End to the ftraits of Gibraltar. Then again let us confider, Sir, how, in cafe of fuch a war, our navy, formidable as it is, must be weakened by being divided; for we fhould be obliged to have always one numerous fquadron in the Mediterranean, another of equal force in the Weft-Indies, and a third fuperior to either upon our own coats; and befides thefe, it would be neceffary for us to have always a fmall fquadron upon the coalt of Africa, a fecond in the EastIndies, and a third in the Baltick. All thefe fquadrons, I fay, it would be neceffary for us to have continually in their refpective ftations, for the protection of our trade or our settlements in thele feveral parts of the world; and would it be poffible for us, even with the best intelligence, to prevent its being in the power of France and Spain to fteal out their fhips and attack us with a fuperior fquadron in one or other of those places? If these things be duly confidered, Sir, every gentleman muft fee, that whilft France and Spain continue united, and whilft both of them are daily forming projects against our trade and foreign fettlements, which they want only a proper opportunity for carrying into execution, it will be abfolutely neceffary for us to have always a confederacy upon the continent ready to attack them by land, if they fhould ever openly attack us by fea or in America. But if an inteftine war fhould break out in Germany, would it be poflible for us to provide any fuch confederacy? And every one knows, that nothing is fo likely to create an inteftine war in that country as a vacancy in the imperial throne. Therefore in the prefent circumflances of Europe, there is no nation in it, no not even Germany itfelf, that can have a greater 1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. II concern than we have, to prevent, as far as is confiftent with the conftitution of the Empire, the poffibility of fuch a vacancy; and confequently we ought not to grudge any expence that may appear to be abfolutely necefiary for guarding against fuch a dangerous misfortune. A But, Sir, a vacancy in the imperial throne is not now the only misfortune we have to guard againit: France, we know, is at great pains, and a vast expence, to gain and attach to her intereft, as many of the B German princes as fhe can prevail with to accept of her terms; and as most of thofe princes now keep up a larger number of regular troops, than their own proper revenues can answer to fupport, they muft have fubfidies from fome fo- C reign ftate or other. The emprefsqueen of Hungary is always obliged to keep up fuch a numerous army of regular troops, in order to be ready to make head against any fudden irruption of the Turks, that the cannot fpare to grant any fubfidies; D and the Ruffians are in the very fame fituation; confequently none of the princes in Germany can expect any fubfidy, unless it be either from France and Spain, or from the Dutch and us. Most of them, I have good reafon to believe, will accept of a lefs fubfidy from us, than what has been offered, or may hereafter be offered by France; but if we fhould be fo imprudently parfimonious as to refufe to grant them any fubfidy, they would be obliged to accept of one from France and Spain, and in confequence thereof they would be bound to join with those two crowns, perhaps against the intereft of their native country, as well as against that of Europe in general. Thus it appears, Sir, that his majefly had two moft preffing motives for concluding this fubfidy treaty with the king of Poland; for he has thereby prevented that prince's being reduced to the neceflity of entering into any treaty with France, and he has fecured, as far as is confiftent with the laws of Germany, the concurrence of that prince's vote and intereft for electing the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans. This, it is true, is not, nor could it be made an exprefs article of the treaty, becaufe fuch an article would have been contrary to one of the fundamental conflitutions of the empire; but this was understood by all the contracting parties, and I am convinced, will be as faithfully performed as if it had been made an exprefs article, not fo much on account of the tacit engagement in the treaty, as on account of its being agreeable to the particular interest of Germany, as well as the general intereft of Europe. I may therefore, I think, now venture to fay, Sir, that we have fecured not only the two vicars of the empire, but two thirds of the Electoral college, to concur in the election of a king of the Romans; and confequently, I hope, nay, I truft, that the election will be brought on, and the archduke Jofeph elected, before we meet here again in a new feffion. Nothing, I think, can prevent it, unless it be a wcil grounded hope to get the election made unaE nimous; and this I have fome reason to think far from being impracticable. I wish with all my heart it may be effected; for it is an end fo defirable, that the leaft ground to hope for attaining it, would fully compenfate a delay for another year, if that F fhould appear neceffary, which, I truft, it will not; and therefore, I hope, this will be the last expence which this nation may be obliged to put itself to for fecuring, as far as human prudence can devife, the internal quiet of Germany, and of courfe not only our own tranquillity, but the free and uninterrupted poffelfion of our trade and our fettlements in every part of the world; and if we can purchase fuch a valuable fecurity G B 2 curity for fuch a trifle of expence, The next that poke in this Debate Mr. Chairman, A am one, might have last year approved of the treaty with Bavaria, and yet may now very much difapprove of this treaty with the king of Poland. Even that with Bavaria I fhould have difapproved of, if we had then had nothing elfe in view but the election of a king of the Romans; because in every cafe where this is the only view, the granting of a previous fubfidy muft either be unnecellary, or it must tend to defeat, or at least to delay the election until B it becomes abf lutely neceffary by the demise of the prefent emperor; for every elector muft either think, that an immediate election of the archduke Jofeph, as king of the Romans, is abfolutely neceffary for the fafety of his country, or he muft think that no fuch immediate election is necellary: If the former be his opinion, he will immediately concur in that election without any fubfidy from us: If the latter, he will naturally conclude, that the fubfidy granted by us woon that fingle account, must be continued until the elect on be made, and that it will ceale as foon as the election is over, or at least as foon as the term expires, for which it was granted, and in confequence of this conclusion, he will certainly find fome excufe or other or putting off this election, until it become: abfolutely neceflary by the death of the prefent emperor. LTHO' I have for many years generally agreed in my fentiments with the Hou gentleman who spoke laft, and altho I now a C gree win him in thinking, that it would add to our fecurity, as well a the fecurity of the balance of power, to have the archduke Jofeph chofen king of the Romans, yet ! cannot agree with him in my opinion of this treaty; for I not only D think, that th nation is thereby to be put to a moit unneceff ry expence, but that the treaty itlelt is a very wrong meature, because it will ra ther prevent than forward the end for which it is faid to be intended. F With regard to the expence, Sir, E it fhould have been confidered, that the king of Poland is in circumftances very different from thofe of the elector of Bavaria. The family of Bavaria had long had an attachment to France, and might fill have thought it their intereft to continue that attachment; therefore, if there had been no fuch thing as an election of a king of the Romans in view, it would have been not only prudent, but neceffary for us to grant a fubfidy to the elector of Bavaria, in order to withdraw that prince from his attachment to France, and to fix him in the intereft of the houfe of Aufein, and of this kingdom. For this reafon many gentlemen, of whom I H- W fr. G Upon this, which I think a certain and incontellable principle, let us fee, Sir, how the cafe will ftand with respect to the king of Poland, as elector of Saxony. That family, notwithfanding the marriage of one of their daughters to the dauphin, has certainly no attachment to the kingdom of France. On the contrary, whilft they are in poffeflion, or have an expectation of the crown of Poland, they muft court the favour of the house of Auftria, and mult be for preferving the power of that houfe; therefore, the prefent elector mult naturally be inclined to have the 1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &. the archduke Jofeph chofen king of B 13 carry it by force of arms. The many princes of the empire who have been chofen kings of the Romans, and yet never fucceeded to be emperors, or not till after cruel wars and great bloodshed, is a convincing proof, that the internal peace of Germany does not depend fo much upon the ceremony of chufing a king of the Romans during the life of the reigning emperor, as upon taking proper measures for establishing fuch a cordial union among the electors, as that upon the death of the emperor they may all unite in the choice of a fucceffor; and I doubt much if our interfering fo openly, and at fuch an expence, in the choice of a king of the Romans, be a proper method for etablishing that cordial union, C especially as it tends fo manifeftly towards overturning the conftitution of the empire, and rendering the Imperial dignity hereditary, in the Auftrian family; for there is no argument for the neceffity of chufing a king of the Romans that can be D made ufe of upon this occafion, but what may be made ufe of with equal weight by every future emperor of that family, as foon as he has the good fortune to have a fon; and a question has now been started about who fhall judge of this neceffity, that, I fear, may produce confufion in the empire, because it is a queftion that, I am convinced, neither fide will ever give up to the other. I must therefore be of opinion, Sir, that it is not prudent in us to grant any fubfidy upon the fingle account of getting the archduke Jofeph prefently chofen king of the Romans, not only because it will, as I have faid, defeat the end intended, but because, if we grint a fubfidy to any one elector upon this account, every other elector will expect the fame; and if we should grant fubfidies to E all, or to a majority of them, it would render the election, when made, precarious; for it would furnish the French, and all fuch as might please to join with them, with a plausible pretence for declaring it a void elec tion. Sir, I had almoft faid a jufti- F fable pretence; for tho' in thefe fubfidy treaties there be no exprefs article for obliging the contracting elector to vote for the archduke Jofeph, yet every one knows, and it has been publickly declared in this houfe, that fuch a ftipulation is understood, and is truly the only confideration for our granting the fubfidy; and we all know that it is as much contrary to the laws of the empire to carry an election by bribery and corruption, as to G When I fay this, Sir, every gentleman muft fuppofe, I mean the difpute arifen upon this occafion between the electors and the princes of the empire. The former fay, that all questions relating to the election of an emperor, or king of the Romans, are to be determined by them alone; and confequently, that the electors are at all times the fole judges whether there be at any time a neceffity for chufing a king of the Romans during the life of the emperor On the other hand, the princes of the empire contend, that no king of |