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A further AccOUNT of the Affair of
ELIZABETH CANNING.

INCE the trial and condemnation of

SINCE

Mary Squires, the gypfy-woman, for
the robbery committed on Elizabeth Can-
ning, of which we have already given an
account, p. 127, people have been strange- A
ly perplexed and divided in their opinions
concerning the guilt or innocence of the
condemned perfon. What led them into
the opinion of the latter, is mentioned by
the Infpector, in his papers of the 9th
and 14th of this month. He fays, he
was told there were affidavits in the hands
of Mr. Ford, and afterwards of the lord-

mayor, proving that Squires was at Ab- B
botsbury in Dorfetfhire, at the time when
the robbery was faid to have been com-
mitted That Virtue Hall had declared
before the lord-mayor, that what the had
fworn against Mary Squires was false;
that this woman was not in Weils's
houfe on the day when the robbery was
faid to be committed, nor for fome weeks
after; that no fuch robbery ever was
committed there at all, and that E. Can-
ning never was in the houfe until brought
down to it by thofe who carried on the
profecution: That two men of unexcep-
tionable character, having come up from
Abbotsbury on purpose, and having visit-
ed Mary Squires in perfon, had fworn,
that they faw her at Abbotsbury on Jan. 1,

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and from that time to the roth, and that the is the identical Mary Squires mentioned in the affidavits and certificates fent up before That the lord-mayor had granted his warrant for apprehending E. Canning; and we are fince told that four perfons are bound for her appearance in the penalty of 50l. each.

On the 20th was published a pamphlet, entitled, A clear State of the Cafe of Elizabeth Canning, by Henry Fielding, Ela; of which the following is an abftract.

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why did this girl conceal the perfon who thus cruelly used her? It could not be a lover; for among all the cruelties, by which men have become infamous in their commerce with women, none of this kind can be produced. Again, what motive can be invented for her laying this heavy charge on those who are innocent? Can it be believed that a young girl (hardly 18 years old, who hath the unanimous teftimony of all who have known her from her infancy, to fupport the character of a virtuous, modeft, fober, well-difpofed girl) would endeavour to take away the lives of an old woman, her fon, and another man, as well as to ruin another woman, without any motive whatever? As to any motive of getting money, nothing can be more groundless and evidently falfe, than this fuggeftion. The fubfcription was fet on foot, long after the girl's return to her mother, by feveral well difpofed neighbours, and fubftantial tradefmen, in order to bring a fet of horCrid villains to juftice which then appeared (as it hath fince proved) to be a matter that would be attended with confiderable expence. The first propofer of a reward to the girl was a noble lord, who was prefent at the laft examination of this matter in Bow-ftreet. Again, as the girl can fcarce be fuppofed wicked enough, the certainly is not witty enough Dto invent fuch a story: She is a child in years, and yet more fo in understanding, with all the marks of fimplicity that ever were discovered in a human countenance. Another improbability of the falfhood of her ftory arifes from the manner in which this girl hath fupported it. Before noblemen, and magiftrates, and judges, perfons who must have infpired a girl of this kind with the highest awe, the went thro her evidence without hesitation, confufion, trembling, change of countenance, or other apparent emotion. As fuch a behaviour could proceed only from the highest impudence, or moft perfect innocence, fo it feemed clearly to arife from the latter, being accompanied with fuch a fhew of decency, modefty, and fimpli city, that, if thefe were all affected (which thofe who difbelieve her muft fuppofe) it must have required not only the highest art, but the longest practice and habit, to bring it to fuch a degree of perfection. Another improbability is, that this girl fhould fix on a place fo far from home, and where it doth not appear the had ever been before. In this point, her evidence ftands confined by the declaration of Wells herfelf. I is true indeed, that as to her being cont ned there, Wells utterly denies it: But the as poûtively affirms,

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In this pamphlet, the narrative of E. Canning's being feized in Moorfields, &c. is given, which may be seen in our account of the trial, p. 127. Next, the objections to the truth of it are placed in the ftrongeft light, and fatisfactorily answered; and the improbability of her story being falfe clearly fhewn. That the girl, after the abfence of a month, returned in the dreadful condition, that has been published, is a known fact. A very fair prefumption follows, that he was confined fomewhere, and by fome perfon; G that he was almoft ftarved to death; that she was confined in a place whence it was difficult to make her efcape; that, however, this efcape was poffible; and that at length the actually made it. Now,

1753. Juftice FIELDING's State of the CASE, &c.

affirms, that Canning was never there at any other time, nor in any other manner. Hence arifes an utter impoffibility of the falihood of her ftory; for unless this poor girl had been well acquainted with the houfe, the hayloft, the pitcher, &c. how was it poffible that the fhould defcribe them all fo very exactly as he did, at her A return to her mother's, in the presence of fuch numbers of people? Nay, the defcribed likewife the profpect that appeared from the hayloft with fuch exactness, as required a long time to furnish her with the particulars. Another improbability is, that the thould charge the gypfy woman, when the must have known

that woman could prove an alibi [her being elsewhere] and not Sufannah Wells, who could have no fuch proof.

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But the point of evidence, which was the principal foundation of that credit which the author of the State of the Cafe gave to this extraordinary ftory, is, the agreement, in so many particular circumtances, between the evidence of Eliz. Can. ning, and Virtue Hall. (See p. 127, &c.) That Virtue Hall had never feen or heard the evidence of Eliz. Canning at the time when the made her own information, is a fact. And even fince her apoftasy she does not pretend to fay that Canning and the laid this story together; but imputes her evidence to her being bullied and threatened into it; which, to the knowledge of ma- D ny, is a moft impudent falihood: And, fecondly, afcribes her agreeing with E. Canning to having heard her deliver her evidence; which, befides being impoffibie, can be proved to be another notorious falfhood by a great number of witnefes of indifputable credit.

I have this very afternoon (Sunday the 18th inft.) adds the author of the State of the Cafe, read over a great number of affidavits corroborating the whole evidence of Canning, and contradicting the alibi defence of the gypsy woman. These affidavits are by unquestionable witnelles, and fworn before three worthy justices of the county of Middlefex, who live in the neighbourdood of Enfield-Wash.

Upon the whole: This cafe, whether it be confidered in a private or in a publick light, deferves to be fcrutinized to the bottom: And that can be only done by the government's authorizing fome very capable and very indifferent perfons to examine into it, and particularly into the club defence of Mary Squires the gyp fy woman On the one fide, here is the life of a fubject at stake, who, if her defence is true, is innocent; and a young girl guilty of the blackest, most premedi Pated, and moft audacious perjury, level.

143

led against the lives of feveral innocent perfons. On the other fide, if the evidence of E. Canning is true, and perjury fhould, nevertheless, prevail against her, an innocent young creature, who hath fuffered the most cruel and unheard of injuries, is in danger of being rewarded for them by ruin and infamy; and what muft extremely aggravate her cafe, and will diftinguish her mifery from that of all other wretches upon earth, is, that the will owe all this rain and infamy to this ftrange circumftance, that her fufferings have been beyond what human nature is fuppofed capable of bearing; whilft robbery, cruelty, and the most impudent of all perjuries, will efcape with impunity and triumph; and therefore will fo escape, becaufe the barbarity of the guilty parties hath rifen to fuch a pitch of wanton and untempted inhumanity, beyond all poffibility of belief.

As to my own conduct in this affair, I know it to be highly juftifiable before God Cand before man. I frankly own, I thought it entitled me to the very reverfe of cenfure. The truth is, the fame motive prevailed with me then, which principally urged me to take up my pen at this time, a defire to protect innocence, and to detect guilt; and the delight in fo doing was the only reward I ever expected, fo help me God. And I have the fatisfaction to be affured, that those who know me beft, will moft believe me. In folemn truth, the only error I can ever be charged with in this cafe is an error in fagacity If E. Canning be guilty of a falfe accufation, I own, the hath been capable of impofing on me : But I have the comfort to think the fame impofition hath paffed not only on two juries, but likewife on one of the best judges that ever fat on the bench of juflice, and on two other very able judges, who were prefent at the trial.

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I do not, for my own part, pretend to infallibility; tho' I can at the fame time with truth declare, that I have never fpared any pains in endeavouring to detect Ffalihood and perjury; and have had fome very notable fuccefs that way. In this cafe, however, one of the most fimple girls I ever faw, if the be a wicked one, hath been too hard for me. Suppofing her to be fuch, the hath indeed moft grofsly deceived me, for I remain ftill in the fame error: And I appeal in for the truth of what I now affert. I am at the most folemn manner to the Almighty,

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this very time (on this 15th day of March,
1753) as firmly perfuaded, as I am of
any
fact in this world, the truth of which
depends folely on the evidence of others,
that

that Mary Squires is guilty of the robbery and cruelty of which the stands convicted; that the alibi defence is not only a falfe one, but a falfhood very easy to be practifed on all occafions where there are gangs of people, as gypfies, &c. That very foul and unjustifiable practices have been used in this whole affair fince the trial; and, A that E. Canning is a poor, honeft, innocent, fimple girl, and the most unhappy and most injured of all human beings. It is this perfuafion alone, which occafioned me to give the publick this trouble: For, as to myself, I am, in my own opinion, as little concerned in the event of this whole matter, as any other man whatever.

Virtue vindicated from BRUTUS's Slander of it.

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OMETIME fince the Cambridge Journal told us, that the honourable members for that univerfity, had given 60 guineas to four bachelors of arts, that hall compofe the best exercifes on two fubjects there named; the firft of which fubjects was an enquiry into the life and philofophy of M. Brutus, particularly with refpect to that reproach thrown on virtue, in the words which he is faid to have pronounced juft before he killed himfelf; which were thefe, "Poor virtue ! I always took thee for fomething real, and I find thee but a name, for thou art fortune's flave."

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D

This opprobrious fpeech, fo contrary to the philofophy and genius of the speaker, is either forged and fathered upon him, or was the fuggeftion of a difordered, troubled mind, on the dark state of his own and publick affairs at that time: The Roman writers fcarce fuffered a great man to make his exit without interefting heaven E in his death; and the belief of omens and prodigies made a material part of that philofophy which Brutus had embraced; accordingly we are told, his evil genius came first to affure him he would meet him in the field of Philippi, and then appeared again just before the battle to let him know he was as good as his word: This might caft a damp on his F fpirit; but tho' this was an abfurd doctrine held by the Stoicks, their notions of virtue were exalted and fublime; by this principle, they never acted upon mean and selfish motives, but made the good of their country the object of their aim; for by virtue the Romans meant the good of their republick; and to the G long and general prevalence of this notion, was owing that heroifm which we meet with so often among that people, and to it must be attributed the grandeur, extent and duration of their empire: But when their conquefts had introduced riches

and luxury, then the narrow opinions of epicurifm, adapted to that state of things, began to take place of the generous ones of ftoicifm, till every thing at last became venal: Even Atticus, who was rich, generous and a lover of his country, yet by the felfish principles of his philofophy, would not difturb his own private peace to fecure that of his country, in which yet his own was involved. Thus by the failure of this principle of virtue, the good of the publick was confulted but by a few; and one of thefe few M. Brutus was, by philofophy, by principle and by blood, being defcended from that L. Junius Brutus, who expelled Tarquin and his fon for their tyranny, and a rape committed on a Roman lady. The image of this ancestor, which he had always before his eyes, the ftudy of the ftoical difcipline under Cato, and the high notions he had conceived of virtue from both, made him lift himself on Pompey's fide against Cæfar, the invader of the laws of his country: Yet Brutus could not but fee that the odds, both for number and power, were all his life against him and virtue, or that virtue was fub. ject to fortune: He might fee this long before in his friend Cicero's banishment, in Pompey's defeat, and Cæfar's triumphs; he faw it plainly in the cafe of his uncle Cato, who was driven to the like neceffity with himself to lay violent hands on himself, or fee his country enslaved. The bad ftate of publick affairs might well make Brutus apprehend, that there were not virtuous men enough in power to fave the state; but why fhould it give him an ill opinion of virtue? He had read what wonders had been wrought by it of old, and had experienced much from it; for was the virtue of Cicero nothing but a name, which detected and fubdued the conspiracy of Catiline, and for that time faved the commonwealth? And was his own at in killing the tyrant in the fenate houfe, which made the ides of March ever memorable to all good men, no more than a nominal benefit? Or did the want of fuccefs ever make him

or Cicero think the worfe of that deed afterwards? Why then should his own want of fuccefs in the battle of Philippi make him cry out, that virtue was but a name? Nothing but defpair and defpondency could make him thus contradict himfelf, and condemn all the past actions of his life; and his own words, if his own, which he fays difparaging of virtue, may more properly be applied and turned upon himfelf; Poor Brutus! I took thee for a man, but find at last nothing manly in thee, for thou art a flave to fortune and given to change. THE

THE

Monthly Chronologer.

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HE following is as melancholy and affecting a relation of diftrefs at fea as perhaps was ever known. Capt. Nathaniel Pierce, of the Portsmouth brigantine, belonging to Mr. Robert Odcorne, merchant, of Pifcataqua in New England, left that port about Nov. 22, 1752, bound to Louisbourg, with a cargo chiefly of lumber; the crew, befides the commander, confifling of the following perfons, viz. Nathaniel Barns, mate; David Brown, William Langdon, Timothy Cotton, Longford a negroman, all refidents of Pifcataqua, befides William Williams of Liverpool; Thomas Chambers of fome part of the North of England, and John Ollfon, a Dutchman; in all nine. They proceeded on their intended voyage with favourable winds, and made the coaft of CapeBreton, at about 10 leagues to the weftward, on Dec. 1. There came that day a gale of wind eafterly, with a storm of fnow, and exceeding cold. The crew being much fatigued with it, pressed the captain to make the heft of his way to the fouthward, which was immediately done by à general confent; the cargo which was on board being proper for the Weft-India market. The wind on Dec. 2, was more moderate, and varied to the northward and weftward, and continued not blowing over-hard until the 4th in the night, when a ftorm arose at W. N. W. and they continued before the wind the remaining part of the night. The next day the storm continuing, about 4 in the afternoon the pump was fucked, but about 5 the crew found they had fprung a leak, and required both pumps, which were fet to work directly; but notwithstanding all they could do, it continued gaining upon them; and about 8 in the evening they found the veffel to be full of water, and pumping to be of no manner of fervice. They had all this time no fail fet, excepting the forefail, which they fecured as foon as poffible, and got the foreyard close down, the veffel then remaining to the mercy of the feas, and full of water. The crew had then no thoughts in this difmal fituation, but to fecure what provifion and water they could, and get fome falt pork and beef from out of the steerage, and likewife two fmall cheefes. The meat they

March, 1753.

fecured by making a hole, and then putting a rope thro' it, with which they tied it to the quarter-deck, which was the only part that remained out of the water. The negroman, Longford by name, and Cook, were both loft that night. The fecond day after this proved moderate, when they broke open the fore-castle, by which means two cafks of water, and a barrel and half of apples floated to the fcuttle, which they got upon the quarterdeck, and there fecured them. Dec. 9, about the dusk of the evening, in a very fevere fquall, the veffel fell on her starboard broadfide, when the crew all got in the beft manner they could on the broadfide to windward, the fea making a breach over them, and very cold. The fquall continued half an hour, and then abated: In the fquall William Langdon and John Ollfon were loft; and on looking after what provifion they had fecured, found the water, apples and cheefe all gone, and nothing but the pork and beef remaining, and the veffel's upper deck broke up, not any thing remaining in it; from this time they had never a drop of water, but what the heavens at times afforded them, and no other fuftenance but the falt pork. Either the 12th or 13th David Brown proved delirious, often afking for beer, cyder, and other liquors, and was in the night loft. From this to the 15th they had fome light fhowers of hail, but could fave but a fmall quantity, which each as foon as they got it eagerly devoured, and gave them fome fmail rellef. The 16th Nathaniel Barns, the mate, died upon the deck with hunger and cold, and was thrown into the fea. The 17th the lumber that was between decks was chiefly washed away, and the remainder of the crew thought it beft, if by any means they could, to cut away the mainmaft. There were carpenter's and other tools in the fteerage, which was then full of water, and no poffibility of getting them but by diving, which Capt. Pierce himself did, and recovered an iron crow and a carpenter's ax, by the help of which they cut away the main-maft. The day after this, Timothy Cotton proved delirious, jumped overboard, and was drowned. Capt. Pierce, with the two remaining men, were now in the greatest diftrefs; and on the 19th Thomas Chambers and William Williams were both deLirious, having frequently drank their

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own urine. There was then a hard gale of wind, and the fea broke very much over them, on which day the two laft mentioned men were washed overboard. Capt. Pierce from this day, the 19th to the 24th, remained alone, expecting every hour to be his laft, but was happily delivered by the Elizabeth, Capt. Martin, bound from Halifax in Nova Scotia, to Oporto. They had no bread from the day they were wrecked, and had no liquor but that aforementioned.

We were informed, that the revenue of the duty of excife laid on beer and ale, amounted last year in England and Wales to 1,120,5651. 78. 3d. . That the duty on malt in England and Wales, amounted to 568,1541. Ss. 4d: And the duty on mait and moloffes fpirits in England and Wales, to 572,4291. 16s. 1od. And that the whole revenue of excife in England and Wales, amounted last year to 3,057,8251. 8s. 7d. 1.

By an act of parliament made the 15th year of his prefent majesty, intitled, An Act for more effectual preventing the counterfeiting of the current coin of this kingdom, and uttering and paying falfe and counterfeit coin, whoever shall make, coin or counterfeit any brafs or copper money, commonly called a halfpenny or a farthing, and his, her, or their aiders, abettors, and procurers, being thereof convicted, fhall fuffer two years imprisonment, and fhall find furety for their good behaviour for two years more. And any informer, he, she, or they, shall have from the fheriff of the county or city where fuch conviction fhall be made, the fum of 10l. within one month after conviction.

The magiftrates and inhabitants of Edinburgh, being defirous to improve that city, by widening the streets and avenues, and erecting an Exchange and other publick buildings, have applied to parliament for leave to purchafe lands and houses, and fuch other powers as are neceffary for executing their defign.

FRIDAY, March 2.

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WEDNESDAY, 7.

The annual fermon for the relief of poor diffenting minifters widows and their children was preached in the Old-Jewry, when the collection amounted to near 4001. THURSDAY, 8.

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His majefty went to the houfe of peers, and gave the royal affent to the following bills, viz. An act for granting an aid to his majefty by a land tax, to be raised in Great Britain for 1753, at 2s. in the pound An act to continue the duties on falt : An act for punishing mutiny and defertion, and for the better payment of the army and their quarters: An act for enforcing the laws for the better prefervation of the game: Two road, and feveral private bills.

Virtue Hall, the girl who was evidence against mother Wells, and Mary Squires, in the affair relating to Elizabeth Canning, declared before the Rt. Hon. the lord mayor, that all fhe had fworn upon the trial was falfe; whereupon fhe was committed to the compter till this mysterious affair can be looked into. (See p. 128.) FRIDAY, 9.

The Rt. Hon. the lord mayor, attended by fome of the aldermen, was at Mr. Akerman's houfe in Newgate-street near two hours, to examine Sufannah Wells, of Enfield-Wash, concerning the robbery of Elizabeth Canning, when the faid Wells declared her innocence, and that fhe never had feen Elizabeth Canning till the time the, the faid Wells, with others, were taken into cuftody and carried before juftice Tafhmaker, of Edmonton. TUESDAY, 13.

Was ended the great caufe where the attorney-general for his majesty was refpondent, and Mrs. Duplefis, appellant, from a decree of the court of Exchequer relating to the will and eftates of the late lord Coleraine; when the decree was affirmed for the refpondent.

Letters patent of his majefty paffed the great feal, to confirm the faculty of his grace the lord bishop of Canterbury, conferring the degree of doctor in divinity on the Rev. Mr. Thomas Birch, rector of the united parishes of St. Margaret Pattens and St. Gabriel Fenchurch, and fecretary of the Royal Society.

This evening four of the gentlemen, who were concerned in carrying on the profecution in behalf of Elizabeth Canning against Mary Squires and Sufannah Wells, appeared before the right Hon. the lord mayor, and entered into a recognizance of sol. each for the appearance of the faid Elizabeth Canning at the next feffions at the Old Bailey.

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