ページの画像
PDF
ePub

1753. Abftract of L. B.'s Letter to Sir W. Windham. 217

A

B

C

the strongeft; but he is a flave to the weak eft. The rod hangs like the fword of Damocles over his head, and he trembles. before his mother and his priest. What, in the name of God, can any member of the church of England promise himfelf from fuch a character? Are we by another revolution to return into the fame ftate, from which we were delivered by the first? Let us take example from the Roman catholicks, who act very reasonably in refufing to fubmit to a proteftant prince. Henry IV. had at least as good a title to the crown of France, as the Pretender has to ours. His religion alone ftood in his way, and he had never been king if he had not removed that obftacle. Shall we fubmit to a popish prince, who will no more imitate Henry IV. in changing his religion, than he will imitate thofe fhining qualities which rendered him the honefteft gentleman, the bravest captain, and the greatest prince of his age? Allow me to give a loose to my pen for a moment on this fubject. Ce. neral benevolence, and univerfal charity feem to be established in the gospel as the diftinguishing badges of chriftianity. How it happens I cannot tell; but fo it is, that in all ages of the church the profeffors of christianity feem to have been animated by a quite contrary spirit. Whilft they were thinly fcattered over the world, tolerated in fome places, but D eftablished no where, their zeal often cor.fumed their charity. Paganism, at that time the religion by law eftablished, was infulted by many of them; the ceremonies were disturbed, the altars thrown down. As foon as by the favour of Conftantine their numbers were increased, and the reins of government were put into their hands, they began to employ the fecular arm, not only against different religions, but against different fects which arole in their own religion. A man may boldly affirm, that more blood has been hed in difputes between chriftian and chriftian, than has ever been drawn from the whole body of them in the perfecutions of the heathen emperors, and in the conquefts of the Mahometan princes. From thefe they have received quarter, but never from one another. The chriftian religion is actually tolerated among the Mahometans, and the domes of churches and mofques arife in the fame city. But it will be hard to find an example, where one fect of chriftians has tolerated ano- G ther, which it was in their power to extirpate. They have gone farther in these later ages: What was practifed formerly, has been taught fince. Perfecution has been reduced into fyftem, and the dif

May, 1753.

ciples of the meek and humble Jefus have avowed a tyranny, which the most barbarous conquerors never claimed. The wicked fubtilty of cafuifts has established breach of faith with those who differ from us, as a duty in oppofition to faith; and murder itfelf has been made one of the means of falvation. I know very well, that the reformed churches have been far from going those cruel lengths, which are authorised by the doctrine as well as example of that of Rome; tho' Calvin put a flaming fword on the title of a French edition of his Inftitutes, with this motto, Je ne fuis point venu mettre la paix, mais l'epée: But I know likewife, that the difference lies in the means, and not in the aim of their policy. The church of England, the most humane of all of them, would root out every other religion, if it was in her power. She would not hang and burn; her measures would be milder, and therefore, perhaps, more effectual.

Since then there is this inveterate rancour among chriftians, can any thing be more abfurd, than for thofe of one. perfuafion to truft the fupreme power, or any part of it, to thofe of another? Particularly, muft it not be reputed madnefs in thofe of our religion, to trust themselves in the hands of Roman catholicks? Muft it not be reputed impudence in a Roman catholick to expect that we fhould? He, who looks upon us as he reticks, as men in rebellion against a lawful, nay a divine authority, and whom it is therefore meritorious by all forts of ways to reduce to obedience. There are many, I know, amongst them who think more generously, and whofe morals are not corrupted by that which is called reE ligion: But this is the fpirit of the priesthood, in whofe fcale that fcrap of a pa rable, "Compel them to come in," which they apply as they pleafe, outweighs the whole decalogue. This will be the fpirit of every man who is bigot enough to be under their direction: And fo much is fufficient for my prefent purpose."

F

And his lordship concludes this long let ter as follows: "I have now laid before you even more than I intended to have faid when I took my pen; and I am perfuaded, that if these papers ever come to your hands, they will enable you to caft up the account between party and me. Till the time of the queen's death it ftands, I believe, even between us. The tories diftinguished me by their approbation, and by the credit which I had amongst them; and I endeavoured to distinguish myfelf in their fervice, under the imme diate weight of great difcouragement, and with the no very distant profpect of

great

great danger. Since that time the account is not fo even, and I dare appeal to any impartial perfon, whether my fide in it be that of the debtor. As to the opinion of mankind in general, and the judgment which pofterity will pals on thefe matters, I am under no great concern. Suum cuique decus pofteritas rependit.

From the LONDON GAZETTEER.

Confiderations on TRADE and TAXES.

THE

A

HE circulation of money within any nation makes it neither richer nor poorer, it is the commercial cencerns with other ftates, that chiefly increase or dimi- B nish national wealth; therefore the prefent confiderations regard foreign trade only.

The ftrict definition of trade is the bartering of goods; money being no more than pieces of goods, of known weight and quality, made ufe of for conveniency; which ufe being general in this part C of the world, the common idea of trade will be, the buying and felling of goods. The quantities of money current between buyers and fellers are called prices, and are of two forts, natural and artificial./

Men buy goods for two ends, fale or confumption.

Natural prices arife from three causes. 1. Quantity of goods; as in corn, good or bad harvests make it cheap or dear. D 2. Demand; as in filks, old or new patterns are cheap or dear. 3. Plenty or fcarcity of money; as in fine wines, which bear no prices in poor villages, but are current in rich cities.

Artificial prices are fuper- additions to natural prices, by taxes and monopolies. We fee trade fluctuating from one na- E tion to another; if the caufe is demanded, the answer is, cheapnefs of price; and the demonstration of it, thus attempted': -All men want and buy fome forts of goods; with money men buy; therefore, all men want money: And becaufe the less money men part with for one want, the more they have left for other wants, all buyers will flock to the cheapest fell- F ers; therefore, cheapnefs of price is the caufe of trade.

From hence may be laid down an univerfal rule to judge of all fchemes relating to trade-Do they tend to add artificial prices to goods? Whatever pretences they are covered with, they are destructive-Do they tend to reduce goods to G their natural prices? They are beneficial.

Two fpecies of taxes tried by the rule will illuftrate it fufficiently.

Goods are of two forts, neceffaries and fuperfluities.

Men then, with refpect to goods, may be divided into four claffes.

1. Sellers of neceffaries. 2. Sellers of fuperfluities. 3. Confumers of neceffaries. 4. Confumers of fuperfuities.

If the fift and fecond claffes, the fellers of neceffaries and fuperfluities, pay taxes on their goods, they muft raise thofe taxes on the prices at the fales, that is, they must add artificial prices to their goods: And if the third clafs, the confumers of neceffaries, pay for taxes in the prices of what they buy, the laborious part of them must raise those taxes on their labour, which multiplies artificial prices on goods: Therefore, these three claires fhould not pay fuch taxes; for artificial prices, being by the definition greater than natural prices, are contrary to the caufe of trade, cheapness of price: Confequently, taxes on goods are deftructive.

This leads to another very material confideration, the end of taxing; which is to raise money: But money is got by the means of trade, and this is decreased by taxes on goods; confequently, the end, raifing of money, is decreased alfo.

There cannot be a greater defect, than of means not fuited to their end.

If what has been faid fhould prove, that taxes raised on the three above claffes are deftructive; it remains to be confi dered, whether a tax on the only clafs left, the fourth, will not be beneficial.

The men of this 4th clafs are the confumers of fuperfiuities; if these pay a tax, the first clafs, the fellers of neceffaries, foap, candles, cil, iron, &c. pay it not: Nor the fecond clafs, the fellers of fuperfluities, plate, laces, jewels, &c. neither the third clafs, the confumers of neceffaries, the laborious poor.

If then neither neceffaries, fuperfluities or labour, are at all affected by this tax; it follows, that all fpecies of goods muft be reduced by it to their natural prices, which being less than the artificial, muft be the caufe of trade; as has been attempted to be demonftrated; and is likewife agreeable to the rule laid down.

This tax then caufing trade, will thereby be the caufe of money, consequently, of an ability in the people to increase the revenue: Therefore, a tax on the confumers of fuperfluities is beneficial.

The power of every administration depends on the good or bad state of the finances; therefore, nothing deferves more the ftudy and attention of minifters of ftate, than the foundation of their power, TRADE.

P. S.

1753. The WORLD, against going to France."

P. S. Thofe gentlemen who cannot fee that the reduction of the number of traders, by a tax on the trader, is the reduction of trade; are defired not to confine the Turkey trade to London at prefent, but to a ward of that city only; then to the common-council-men of a ward, until at laft they bring it to an al- A derman.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

B

Upon this principle I fhall lay my cafe plainly before you, and defire your pub-C lication of it as a warning to others. Tho' it may feem ridiculous to many of your readers, I can affure you, Sir, that it is a very serious one to me, notwithstanding the ill natured comfort which I might have,, of thinking it of late a very

common one.

219

great while; but fince we are to part for
fo long a time, why should not we take
that opportunity of carrying him ourselves
as far as Paris? The journey is nothing;
very little farther than to our own houfe
in the north; we fhall fave money by it;
for every thing is very cheap in France;
it will form the girl, who is of a right age
for it; and a couple of months with a
good French and dancing mafter will per-
fect her in both, and give her an air and
manner that may help her off in these
days, when hufbands are not plenty, e-
fpecially with only 50col. to her fortune.
Several of my acquaintance, who have
lately taken trips to Paris, have told me,
that to be fure we fhould take this oppor
tunity of going there. Befides, my dear,
as neither you nor I have ever been abroad,
this little jaunt will amufe and even im-
prove us; for it is the eafieft thing in
the world to get into all the best compa-
ny at Paris,"

My wife had no fooner ended her
fpeech (which I eafily perceived to be
the refult of meditation,) than my daugh-
ter exerted her little eloquence in fecond-
ing her mother's motion. "Ay, dear
papa, faid he, let us go with brother to
Paris; it will be the charmingest thing in
the world; we fhall fee all the newest
fashions there; I fhall learn to dance of
Marfeil; in fhort, I fhall be quite ano-
Dther creature after it. You fee how my
coufin Kitty was improved by going to
Paris last year; I hardly knew her again
when the came back; do, dear papa, let
us go."

I am a gentleman of a reasonable paternal estate in my county, and ferve as knight of the hire for it. Having what is called a very good family-intereft, my election incumbered my eftate with a mortgage of only goool. which I have not been able to clear, being obliged by a good place which I have got fince, to live in town and in all the best company, 9 months in the year. I married fuitably E to my circumstances. My wife wanted neither fortune, beauty nor understanding. Difcretion and good humour on her part, joined to good nature and good manners on mine, made us live comfortably together for 18 years. One son, and one daughter were our only children. We complied with cuftom in the education of both; my daughter learned fome French and fome dancing; my fon paffed 9 years at Westminfter school in learning only the words of two languages, long tince dead, and not yet above half revived. When I took him away from school, I refolved to fend him directly abroad, having been at Oxford myself. My wife approved of my design, but tacked a pro-G pofal of her own to it, which the urged with fome earnestness. "My dear, faid fhe, I think you do very right to fend George abroad, for I love a foreign education, tho' fhall not fee the poor boy a

F

The abfurdity of the propofa! ftruck me at first, and I forefaw a thousand inconveniences in it, tho' not half fo many as I have fince felt. However knowing, that direct contradiction, tho' fupported by the best arguments, was not the likelieft method to convert a female difputant; I feemed a little to doubt, and contented myself with faying, "That I was not, at firft fight at leaft, fenfible of the many advantages which they had enumerated; but that on the contrary I apprehended a great deal of trouble in the journey, and many inconveniences in confequence of it. That I had not obferved many men of my age confiderably improved by their travels; but that I had lately feen many women of hers, become very ridiculous by theirs; and that for my daughter, as fhe had not a fine fortune, I faw no neceffity of her being a fine lady." Here the girl interrupted me, with faying, " For that very reason, papa, I thould be a fine lady. Being in fashion is often as good as being a fortune; and I have known, air, drefs, and E e 2

accom

[ocr errors]

accomplishments ftand many a woman
in ftead of a fortune." "Nay, to be fure,
added my wife, the girl is in the right in
that; and if with her figure, fhe gets a
certain air and manner, I cannot fee why
The may not reasonably hope to be as ad-
vantageously married, as lady Betty Town-
ly, or the two Mifs Bellairs, who had, A
none of them, fuch good fortunes." Í
found by all this, that the attack upon me
was a concerted one, and that both my
wife and daughter were ftrongly infected
with that migrating distemper, which
has of late been fo epidemical in this
kingdom, and which annually carries fuch
numbers of our private families to Paris,
to expose themselves there as English, and
here, after they return, as French: Info-
much that I am affured, that the French
call those swarms of English which now,
in a manner, over-run France, a fecond
incurfion of the Goths and Vandals.

daughter, who had been a good deal difheartened by our diftreffes, recovered their fpirits, and grew extremely impatient for a confultation of the neceffary trades people, when luckily our banker and his lady, informed of our arrival, came to make us a vifit. He graciously brought me 5000 livres, which he affured me was not more than what would be neceffary for our first fetting out, as he called it; while his wife was pointing out to mine the most compendious method of spending three times as much. I told him, that I hoped that fum would be very near fufficient for the whole time; to which he answered coolly, "No, Sir, B nor fix times that fum, if you propofe, as to be fure you do, to appear here bonnêtement." This, I confefs, ftartled me a good deal; and I called out to my wife, "Do you hear that, child?" She replied unmoved, "Yes, my dear; but now that we are here, there is no help for it; it is but for once, upon an extraordinary occafion; and one would not care to appear among ftrangers like fcrubs." I made no answer to this folid reafoning, but refolved within myself to fhorten our stay, and leffen our follies as much as I could. My banker, after baving charged himself with the care of procuring me a caroffe de remife and a valet de place for the next day, which in plain English is a hired coach, and a foot-man, invited us to pafs all the next day at his

I endeavoured, as well as I could, to avert this impending folly, by delays and gentle perfuafions, but in vain; the at- C tacks upon me were daily repeated, and fometimes enforced by tears. At laft I yielded, from mere good nature, to the joint importunities of a wife and daughter whom I loved. Not to mention the love of eafe and domeftick quiet, which is, much oftener than we care to own, the true motive of many things that we either do or omit.

My confent being thus extorted, our D fetting out was preffed. The journey wanted no preparations; we should find every thing in France. My daughter who fpoke fome French, and my fon's governor who was a Swifs, were to be our interpreters upon the road and when we came to Paris, a French fervant or two would make all eafy.

E

F

But, as if Providence had a mind to punith our folly, our whole journey was a feries of diftreffes. We had not failed a league from Dover, before a violent ftorm arofe, in which we had like to have been loft. Nothing could equal our fears but our fickness, which perhaps leffened them: At last we got into Calais, where the inexorable cuftom houfe officers took away half the few things which we had carried with us. We hired fome chaifes, which proved to be old and shattered ones, and broke down with us at leaft Twice we were overevery ten miles, turned, and fome of us hurt, tho' there are no bad roads in France. At length, the fixth day, we got to Paris, where G our banker had provided a very good lodging for us; that is, very good rooms, very well furnished, and very dirty. Here the great fcene opens. My wife and

houfe, where he affured us that we should not meet with bad company. He was to carry me and my fon before dinner to fee the publick buildings, and his lady was to call upon my wife and daughter to carry them to the genteeleft shops, in order to fit them out to appear bonnêtement. The next morning I amufed myfelf very well with feeing, while my wife and daughter amused themselves ftill better by preparing themfelves for being feen ; till we met at dinner at our banker's, who, by way of fample of the excellent company to which he was to introduce us, prefented to us an Irish abbé, and an Irish captain of Clare's; two attaint, ed Scotch fugitives, and a young Scotch furgeon who ftudied midwifry at the Hotel Dieu. It is true, he lamented that Sir Harbottle Bumper, and Sir Clotworthy Guzzledown with their families, whom he had invited to meet us, happened unfortunately to have been engaged to go and drink brandy at Nucilly. Tho' this company founds but indifferently, and tho' we should have been very forry to have kept it in London, I can affure you, Sir, that it was the best we kept the whole time we were at Paris.

1753.

Ridiculous FRENCH FASHIONS.

B

In about three days the feveral mechanicks, who were charged with the care of difguiling my wife and daughter, brought home their refpective parts of this transformation, in order that they might appear bonnêtement. More than the whole morning was employed in this operation; for we did not fit down to A dinner till near five o'clock. When my wife and daughter came at laft into the eating room, where I had waited for them at least two hours, I was fo ftruck with their transformation, that I could neither conceal nor exprefs my aftonishment. "Now, my dear, said my wife, we can appear a little like chriftians." "And ftrollers too, replied I; for fuch have I feen, at Southwark-fair, the refpectable Syfigambis, and the lovely Parifatis. This cannot furely be ferious!" "Very ferious, depend upon it, my dear, faid my wife; and pray, by the way, what may there be ridiculous in it? No fuch Syfgambis neither, continued the; Betty is but fixteen, and you know I had her at four and twenty." As I found that the name of Syfigambis, carrying an idea of age along with it, was offenfive to my wife, I waved the parallel; and addreffing myself in common to my wife and daughter, I told them, " I perceived that there was a painter now at Paris, who coloured much higher than Rigault, tho' he did not paint near fo like; for that I could hardly have gueffed them to be the pic. tures of themfelves." To this they both anfwered at once, "That red was not paint; that no colour in the world was fard but white, of which they protested they had none." "But how do you like my pompen, papa, continued my daughter? Is it not a charming one? I think it is prettier than mamma's." "It may, child, for any thing that I know; because I do not know what part of all this

E

frippery thy pompon is." "It is this,
papa," replied the girl, putting up her
hand to her head, and fhewing me in the
middle of her hair a complication of
fhreds and rags of velvets, feathers, F
and ribbands, stuck with falfe ftones of
a thousand colours, and placed awry.
"But what haft thou done to thy hair,
child, faid I? It is blue! Is that painted
too by the fame eminent hand that co-
loured thy cheeks?" "Indeed, papa, an-
fwered the girl, as I told you before,
there is no painting in the cafe; but what
gives my hair that bluish caft is the grey
powder, which has always that effect
upon dark-coloured hair, and fets off
the complexion wonderfully." "Grey
powder, child, faid I, with fome fur-
prize! Grey hairs, I knew were vene-

221

rable; but till this moment I never knew that they were genteel." "Extremely fo, with fome complexions, faid my wife but it does not fuit with mine, and ĺ never use it." "You are much in the right, my dear, replied I, not to play with edge-tools. Leave it to the girl." This, which perhaps was too haftily faid, and feemed to be a fecond part of the Syfigambis, was not kindly taken; my wife was filent all dinner time, and I vainly hoped, afhamed. My daughter, drunk with drefs and fixteen, kept up the converfation with herself, till the long-wifhed for moment of the opera came, which feparated us, and left mé time to reflect upon the extravagancies which I had already feen, and upon the ftill greater which I had but too much reafon to dread.

From this period to the time of our return to England, every day produced fome new and fhining folly, and fome improper expence. Would to God that they had ended as they began, with our journey! But unfortunately, we have imported them all. I no longer underftand, or am understood in my family. I hear of nothing but le bon ton. A French valet de chambre, who I am told is an excellent fervant and fit for every thing, is brought over to curl my wife's and my daughter's hair, to mount a deffert, as they call it, and occafionally to announce vifits. A very flatternly, dirty, but at the fame time a very genteel French maid, is appropriated to the use of my daughter. My meat too is as much difguifed in the dreffing by a French cook, as my wife and daughter are by their Ted, their pompons, their fcraps of dirty gauze, flimfy fattins, and black callicoes; not to mention their affected broken Englith, and mangled French, which jumbled together compofe their prefent language. My French and English fervants quarrel daily, and fight, for want of words to abuse one another. My wife is become ridiculous by being translated into French, and the verfion of my daughter will, I dare fay, hinder many a worthy English gentleman from attempting to read her. My expence (and confequently my debt) increases; and I am made more unhappy by follies, than most other people are by crimes.

Should you think fit to publish this my cafe, together with fome obfervations Gof your own upon it, I hope it may prove a useful Pharos, to deter private Englith families from the coafts of France. I am, Sir,

Your very humble fervant,

R. D.
My

« 前へ次へ »