in conjunction with the emperor of Austria, engaged to unite their resources for the purpose of maintaining entire the conditions of the peace of Paris in May, 1814, and the stipulations of the congress of Vienna, and preserving them against all infringement, particularly from the designs of Napoleon Buonaparte. Each of them agreed to keep 150,000 men in the field; but by a separate article, his Britannic majesty was to have the option either of furnishing his contingent in men, or of supplying his deficiency by the payment of 30%. per ann. for every cavalry soldier, and 207. per ann. for every infantry soldier. His most Christian majesty was to be invited to become a party in this alliance. By an additional convention, his Britannic majesty engaged to furnish a subsidy of five millions sterling, for the service of the year ending April 1, 1816, to be divided in equal proportions among the other three, powers. Other papers were, a letter from M. de Caulaincourt to lord Castlereagh, dated Paris, April 4, 1815, announcing, in triumphant language, the resumption of the government of France by the emperor (Buonaparte), and his desire of maintaining peace with all other sovereigns. Another letter from Caulaincourt, containing the emperor's request, that the above should be presented, to the prince regent; and a note of lord Castlereagh, acquainting him with the prince regent's declining to receive it. There followed, a letter from lord Castle reagh to the earl of Clancarty, enclosing the overture of Caulain-, court, with a direction to com-, municate it to the allied Sovereigns and their Plenipotentiaries at Vienna; and lord Clancarty's an swer dated from Vienna, May 6. The latter paper, after mentioning a similar address from Buonaparte to the Emperor of Austria, to which no answer was returned, states the views and reasons of the allied powers in the war about to. be commenced. The following is the most material passage on this topic:-" In this war, they do not desire to interfere with any legitimate right of the French. people; they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation, to: choose their own form of government, or an intention to trench,: in any respect, upon their independence as a great and free people: but they do think that they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the reestablishment of an individual, as the head of the French government, whose past conduct has invariably demonstrated, that in such a situation he will not suffer other na tions to be at peace,- -whose restless ambition,-whose thirst for foreign conquest, and whose disregard for the rights and independence of other states, must expose the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation." Together with these documents was presented a de-. claration on the part of the Prince Regent, signed by lord Castlereagh, May 18, purporting, that the eighth article of the treaty of March 25, wherein his most Christian majesty is invited to accede under certain stipulations, is to be understood as binding the contracting powers, upon principles of mutual security, to a common effort against the power of Napoleon Buonaparte; but is not to be understood as binding his Britannic Majesty to prosecute the war with a view of imposing upon France any particular go vernment. On May 23, being the day for taking into consideration the message of the Prince Regent, the Earl of Liverpool rose in the House of Lords, and said, that the question he was about to submit to their lordships being that of peace or war, it was unnecessary for him to use words to convince them that the subject was the most momentous that could be brought for their determination. Of his lordship's succeeding speech, and of those which followed on each side, events have taken off so much of the interest, that a very concise notice of them will suffice. Lord L. began, with shewing in what manner Buonaparte had fundamentally violated his treaty with the allies, so as to render the war with him a just one. He proceeded to consider whether it was necessary on our part, and referring to that person's past conduct, he asked, if any thing had since occurred which could induce a reasonable expectation that any change had taken place in his disposition? To the argument, that a limited government being now established in France, we might look to that government for the security of peace; he replied, that its stability under a Ruler, who must always depend upon the sword for his own security, could by no means be calculated upon. He then dwelt upon the peculiar advantage of any attempt to overthrow this dange rous power, whilst the confederacy of allies was subsisting in entire unanimity, and were fully prepared to act in concert. To the objection that might be raised against the war on account of the offer made by the allies of concluding a peace with Buonaparte at Chatillon, it was replied, that he was then the undisputed Sovereign of France, and was in possession of many of the principal military holds in Europe. After auguring fairly of the conclusion of the contest, his lordship closed with moving for an address in correspondence with the Regent's message. Of the copious and argumentative speech of Lord Grey in reply, no adequate idea could be given in a few words; and the predictive part has been so decisively refuted by the event that its au thority in a political view probably does not at present stand high. Is substance was a direct attack as well on the justice, as the necessity and expediency of a war; and it concluded with a proposed amendment of the address, of which the following were the principal points: To assure his Royal Highness of their desire to assist him in fulfilling such treaties with foreign powers as may have been entered into for the protection of their respective rights against foreign aggression; but to declare, that they do not think themselves justified in approving the engagements which his Royal Highness appears to have contracted for maintaining the stipulations of the congress of Vienna, of which they are as yet wholly uniuformed. To state, that approving as they do of a defensive system for preserv ing the equilibrium and independence of Europe, they feel themselves bound to represent to his Royal Highness, that they do not think a war undertaken for personally proscribing the present rule of France, necessary for accomplishing those ends; but, on the contrary, that such a war appears to them questionable in its principles, and fraught with the greatest danger; and to entreat his royal highness to open new communications with the allies for engagements on a defensive principle. This amendment was opposed by Lord Bathurst, and also by the noble mover's closest political ally on other occasions, Lord Grenville, who declared, most unequivocally, his conviction of the necessity of a war. On a division, the amendment was rejected by a majority of 156 to 44, and the address was carried. In the proceedings relative to the address to the Prince Regent, moved on May 25th in the House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh began with informing the House, in answer to an objection drawn from the want of the Emperor of Austria's conclusive accession to the treaty, that he on that morning exchanged ratifications with the Austrian ambassador, thereby rendering the act complete. His lordship also read a note signed by prince Metternich, expressing the full concurrence of the emperor of Austria in the explanation by the British government of the 8th article of the Treaty, which declared, that it was not intended to prosecute the war for the purpose of imposing any particular government on the people VOL. LVII. of France. The subsequent debate was exactly the counterpart of that in the House of Lords. The same address was moved, and the same amendment to it; and there was the same defection of members who usually voted with the opposition, among whom Mr. Grattan was distinguished by the eloquence of his speech in favour of the war. The amendment was rejected by 331 to 92. On May 26, the House of Commons being in a committee for considering that part of the Prince Regent's message which related to the engagements for subsidiz. ing the allied powers, Lord Castlereagh rose to make a statement of the extent of the charges under that head likely to be imposed on this country in the present session. He began with making a distinction between subsidy and pecuniary arrangement, in the instance of Holland, for whose colonies retained by us we were, by way of compensation, to pay the half of certain charges which would otherwise fall upon Holland alone; and he intimated that parliament would be called upon in the course of the present year for one million on that account. Another arrangement not in the nature of a specific grant, was for the interest of a loan obtained in Holland by Russia, and applied towards the fortifications in the Low-countries, which was to be borne jointly by Great Britain and the king of the Netherlands.Having explained the nature and purposes of this agreement, his lordship proceeded to the conditions of the treaty between the allies, binding each to bring into the field a contingent of 150,000 men. [D] He stated that Austria, Russia, and Prussia were all prepared to contribute to the common cause a much larger force than they had engaged for, and that several of the inferior powers were also to furnish very considerable contingents. Of the whole collective force, he gave the following state ment :Austria. Russia....... Prussia..... States of ... 50,000 His lordship concluded with moving, "That a sum not exceeding five millions be granted to his majesty to make good the engagements entered into with the emperor of Austria, the emperor of Russia, and the king of Prussia." Being asked various questions respecting the distribution of the sum to be disposed of among the ..300,000 smaller powers, lord C. said he ...225,000 was not empowered to give spe.236,300 cific answers; nor did he choose Germany........150,000 to pledge government to limit itself to the sum of 2 millions assigned for the above purpose. Mr. Bankes then rose and objected at some length to the disproportionate share of the burthen to be taken by this country in a war for a common cause. The sense of the House, however, in favour of the greatest possible exertion at this crisis, was shewn by the division, in which the motion was carried by 160 votes to 17. Total.....1,011,000 As we only furnished 50,000 men, we were to pay for 100,000, which would amount to 2,500,000l. The same sum was to be applied in aid of the confederacy in such manner as would be calculated to produce the most satisfaction. TH CHAPTER IV. The Budget, English and Irish. HE House of Commons having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means on June 14, The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in rising to submit to the committee the terms on which he had contracted a loan that morning, could not but regret that circumstances had made it necessary for him to propose that a provision should be made for the prosecution of a war on the most extensive scale, while the country was yet labouring under the burthens thrown upon it by a former contest. It would be in the recollection of the committee, that but a few months had elapsed since that House was employed in debating what provision would be necessary for the peace establishment of the country, and by what means the nation should be gradually released from the charge of the expenditure imposed upon it by the events of the late struggle in the cause of Europe. Scarcely however, had the ratification of the treaty of peace with America arrived, before circumstances occurred which had led to a renewal of the war with France. The circumstances which had attended the landing of Buonaparte in France were of a nature so extraordinary and unprecedented, that they could neither be by possibility foreseen, nor prevented by any act of the British government; and they were felt throughout Europe as an electric shock, which in a moment rouzed all its nations into arms. The declaration of the allies of the 13th of March, issued at a time when it was not possible for them to have had any communication with this country, proved that the impulse had not been given by England, but that it was the opinion of all the great sovereigns on the continent, that with a government like the present government of France, whose authority rested on no rightwhich was founded on oppression at home, and insatiable ambition abroad-there was no safety for them but in war; satisfied as they were, that such a power would labour to effect the subjugation of Europe, if it were not overpowered itself. This country had at that time made some progress in the reduction of its expenditure. The American war was at an end; but at the same time large demands were existing against the nation. Though this war was closed, it was still necessary to provide for the return of our army from America, and also for the paying off the large arrears which remained in consequence of that contest in Europe which had preceded it. These circumstances being taken into the consideration of the commit |