effectual the laws relating to bribery and corruption in elections. Its principal object, as stated by his lordship, was, to subject all cases of bribery to a more thorough investigation. With that view that view this bill extended the term for presenting petitions complaining of bribery at elections from fourteen days to two years. It also provided that it would be lawful for any person to petition the House during that, period, complaining that the election of any particular borough had been carried by bribery and corruption; and it further provided, that where the parties so complaining of an undue election, in consequence of bribery, should prove their case, all their costs and expenses in sustaining their petition should be defrayed by the public. It might be said that such a provision would give rise to frivolous complaints; but while that would not often be the case, it was plain that such a provision would be attended by the great and obvious advantage of promoting investigation into all cases of bribery and corruption, whereas, at present, the expense attendant on petitions complaining of bribery at elections prevented inquiry. The House did not seem inclined to receive it with much favour. Objections were stated against it from both sides. In particular it was argued that the extension of the period for petitioning would keep members in a state of vassalage for two years. A new petition might be presented every week, if it only related to a different alleged act. The terms, too, which defined what bribery was, were so vague, and yet so comprehensive, that it was impossible for a member to know, if a charge could be brought against him or not. There should be a

narrower limit for charges, as in offences against the usury and revenue laws. Other members, again, though they would not oppose the bill, thought that nothing but the ballot would prevent bribery; and others proposed that every member, on entering the House, should take the following oath; "I do solemnly swear that I have neither given nor promised to give, nor intend to give, or promise hereafter, by myself, agents, or friends, any money, security, order, or other thing of value, or any pecuniary fee, or reward of any kind, in consideration of any vote or votes, by which my return to this House shall have been promoted or secured." The bill, however, passed the Commons; but when it came into the Peers, lord Wynford moved the postponement of the committee for six months, for it was a bill, he said, which, if passed, would remain a dead letter, as it would be impossible to carry its provisions into effect. The lord Chancellor concurred with him, and the bil! was thrown out.

During all the discussions on the question of reform, one objection against the destruction of the nomination boroughs had been, that, without them, there would be no certain means of members of parliament, who vacated their seats by accepting office under the crown, securing a new return. The most efficient ministers might be excluded from the House of Commons. To remedy this inconvenience, the marquis of Northampton brought in a bill to repeal, in so far as certain offices were concerned, the act of Anne by which an acceptance of any of them vacated a member's seat. The offices which he proposed to exempt from the operation of the statute were-first, all the

great offices usually held by cabinet ministers; and, secondly, by what might be called the principal law officers, whose presence was generally supposed to be necessary in the House of Commons. He had not decided whether the office of Secretary at War ought also to be inserted in the bill, but this was a question which might be considered in committee. On the motion for the second reading, the duke of Wellington said, there could be no doubt whatever that some measure of this description would be necessary, in consequence of the passing of the reform bill; but it appeared to him that the present bill was but half a measure, because it provided for only half of the inconvenience likely to result. Moreover he objected to the bill being brought forward by the noble lord in his individual capacity. As the bill was intended to remedy certain inconveniences arising out of a measure which government had brought forward, he conceived that it was the duty of the government to introduce it as a government measure, and to recommend it to both Houses of par liament upon their responsibility. The noble marquis must be well aware, that the object of this bill was to repeal a part of the act of settlement, and of other acts founded upon the act of settlement. surely, was no light matter. The lord Chancellor, too, thought that the second reading should be delayed, till the matter had been more ripely considered. The principle, on which the statute of queen Anne was founded, was this, that the crown should not have the power to choose for its ministers

This,

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any persons who were not agreeable to their constituents, whose suffrages they were sent back to solicit. The practice was doubtedly attended with some inconveniences: nevertheless, the principle out of which it grew was embodied in the constitution; and he could not help thinking that an opportunity should be afforded their lordships of more maturely considering the bill. The second reading was accordingly postponed, and, as the end of the session approached, the bill was ultimately dropped. There seemed to be an impression that such a bill ought to originate in the House of Commons.

Mr. Bulwer, member for Coventry, moved an address to the king, praying his Majesty to give to the free inhabitants of New South Wales a representative system. He maintained they were entitled to it on the ground both of population and taxation. The colony possessed a larger population than twelve colonies which had representative assemblies, and its revenue was 100,000l. A strong government was no doubt necessary there for the protection of property; but a strong government for the protection of property was not a military governor armed with arbitrary power, but a government in which persons of property were interested. The ministers, while they opposed the address, admitted that New South Wales must in time have a representative body; but they did not think that the elements had yet been formed, out of which a safe constituency could be created. The motion had twenty-six votes in its favour, and sixty-six against it.

NEXT in imported

EXT in importance to the changes introduced into the representation, and intimately connected with them in relation to the established institutions of the country, was the subject of Irish Tithes. The confusion and threatened rebellion, which sought to extort emancipation, had no sooner accomplished their object, than they attacked the revenues of the Irish protestant church, odious and tyrannical in their eyes as catholics, and extremely inconvenient because they implied the payment of money. Precisely the same organized tumult and menaced dissolution of the bonds of civil society, which had been employed to open the doors of parliament, and of the government offices in 1829, was directed to batter down the church in 1831 and 1832. One demand conceded was the parent of a new one; agitation, like love, had an appetite, which grew by what it fed on. To debar Catholics from any cvil rights filled Ireland with

disaffection, rendering it an unsafe habitation, and a dangerous sore on the body of the empire. To call upon Catholics to pay tithe and rates to a protestant church had now reproduced all these symptoms; and again concession was brought forward to manifest its sovereign virtues.

In the Speech from the Throne, his Majesty had told the parliament, "In parts of Ireland a systematic opposition has been made to the payment of tithes, attended in some instances with afflicting results; and it will be one of your first duties to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect improvements in the laws respecting this subject, which may afford the necessary protection to the established church, and at the same time remove the present causes of complaint." Both houses accordingly appointed select committees "to inquire into the collection and payment of tithes in Ireland, and the state of the laws relating thereto."

While the committees were sitting the work of insubordination in Ireland was proceeding with increasing vehemence and multiplied terrors. The Catholics seemed determined to fix for themselves what the report should be. Their organized system of resistance went to shew that to enforce payment of tithe was impossible, and that therefore tithes must be entirely abolished. The instruments, which they employed, had already been used in similar contests. They consisted simply in depriving of all security for life or property every man who demanded or received tithe, or who paid, or who was concerned, in any manner of way, as process-server, proctor, attorney, or constable, in enforcing payment, or with the sale and purchase of goods distrained by the authority, of the law in default of payment. These approved means of 'agitation' were pressed the more vigorously, that the Catholic agitators and his Majesty's ministers entertained very different opinions as to the manner in which the tithe question ought to be treated. The former demanded utter and absolute abolition of tithe. The church that received it was a protestant church. The greater part of those who paid it were Catholics, having a church of their own, and deriving no benefit from the protestant establishment. But to make catholics pay for the support of a protestant church, was unjust and unchristian; therefore the tithe must be abolished. This was their logic, and this their conclusion. Ministers, however, entertained no such views. Although they thought that the collection of tithes might be so regulated as to remove many causes of complaint which they considered well-founded, they were not

prepared to abandon completely the protestant church of Ireland as a national establishment, or deprive it of the funds without which it would lose that character. The most moderate form, in which the demand, of the Catholics were put forward, was, that the tithe, if not abolished, and likewise the church lands, should be applied to the maintenance of the poor; but ministers set their face likewise against this proposition. On presenting a petition which prayed for this conversion of the church lands, Earl Grey declared, that not only did he not approve of such a measure, but that if a project of that nature were proposed, it should receive from him the most determined opposition. He saw the urgency of effecting some improvement in the mode of making provision for the clergy in Ireland; but he never could think of making any such improvement without fully securing to the church its just rights. To avoid misrepresentation, and to put an end to unfounded rumours which had been industriously cir culated, rumours which were connected with the opposition given to the payment of tithes, and which had a very bad effect in the present situation of Ireland, he felt it right to say, that he thought it absolutely necessary, before they proceeded to legislate on this subject generally, that the authority of the law as it at present stood should be fully vindicated. In every case where they were called for, the powers of the law had been strenuously exerted, so far as they could. Government were determined that the existing law should still be strictly enforced, in order to produce those effects for which its powers were originally granted; and if those powers

were ultimately found to be inefficient, he should not hesitate to propose a bill to give to the government still greater authority. The committee of the House of Lords presented their report on the 16th of February, and the committee of the Commons, on the 17th. They did not exhaust the subject, but were confined to what was the point demanding the most immediate attention, some provision for the clergy, who now, for more than a year, had received no stipend. The report stated that in different parts of Ireland, particularly in the counties of Kilkenny, Carlow, and Tipperary, and some districts of Queen's County, resistance had been made to the payment of tithes, supported by

means of organized, illegal, and in some instances armed combinations, which, if allowed to continue, and to extend themselves successfully to other districts, would be applied to other objects, and ultimately subvert the dominion of the law, and endanger the peace and security of society. As a consequence of these proceedings, it appeared that in the districts where resistance had been made to the payment of tithes, the clergy, had in many instances, been reduced to the greatest distress; and the following was stated by the committee to be the amount in these districts, of the arrears of tithes, or composition for tithes, viz.-in the dioceses of

£14,345 10,130

In Uncompounded ditto