too severe, and, at some points of its progress, had been accompanied with too much danger, to render it probable that the Emperor would allow former relations to continue, or former privileges to be preserved. So soon as all military resistance had ceased, and the remains of the scattered insurgents had sought refuge beyond the frontier, an amnesty was granted, which, while it excluded from mercy the ringleaders and most active partisans of the rebellion, whether in the council or in the field, gave security to the great mass of those whose safety would have been compromised, if a system of universal vengeance had been adopted. Under its protection, the Polish troops, which had fled into the neighbouring states, returned to their country, with the exception of obnoxious individuals to whom the amnesty did not extend. Even small pensions were allotted, in the mean time, to such of the rebel officers who had not quitted the kingdom, and were not reached by the exceptions in the act of pardon. But it was determined, likewise, to annihilate, if possible, that state of existence as a separate nation, enjoying its own constitution, and having nothing in common with the proper provinces of the Russian empire, which was thought to have kept alive the wish for national independence. The Congress of Vienna had provided, that Poland should be governed by a constitution of its own; that separate constitution had been granted by Alexander; and alleged violations of its provisions were among the most prominent of the causes assigned for the insurrection. That constitution was now to be abolished, and Poland was to be amalgamated

with Russia. By an ukase issued in the month of February, the Emperor declared his imperial will that Poland, with a separate administration, should become an integral part of the empire, "and its inhabitants form but one nation with the Russians, bound together by uniform and national sentiments." An organic statute of the same date specified the provisions of this new incorporating union, and the amount of them was, that Poland was in future to be governed merely as any other Russian province. It was declared that "the kingdom of Poland is for ever to be re-united to the Russian empire, and to form an inseparable part of that empire, having a particular administration conformable to its local necessities, as well as a civil and military code." There was to be but one coronation of the Emperor of all the Russias, and King of Poland. It was to take place at Moscow in the presence of deputies from Poland, "as from the other parts of the empire." There was to be no longer a separate Polish army; Poland was to contribute its due proportion, with the other provinces to the pecuniary wants, and the military defence of what was thenceforth to be a common country. The Catholic religion, as being that of the majority of the Poles, was to be, in an especial manner, an object of the care of the state; but all religions were to be permitted, and the Catholic and Greek churches were to retain respectively their separate properties. The administration of the kingdom was vested in a council of administration, a council of state, and various other subordinate authorities, in the same manner in which the government of the other

provinces was already provided for. All previous laws and instructions contrary to the provisions of this statute were expressly repealed; and as this statute merely provided various commissions of imperial administrators and advisers, the sovereign and legislative power residing exclusively at St. Petersburgh, the Polish diet and constitution, such as they were, were now at an end. Other measures were adopted for the purpose of securing the same object of destroying the "nationality" of Poland. The soldiers and underofficers who had served with the insurgents, whether they had been taken prisoners, or had returned into the kingdom since the conclusion of the contest, were incorporated with the Russian regiments. In this there certainly was policy, and the measure might be useful both to the men themselves who were now in destitution, and to the peace of the country, which might otherwise have been disturbed by bodies of starving and disbanded soldiery. But none of these characteristics belonged to a vindictive ukase, by which 5,000 Polish families were ordered to be transplanted from Podolia to the Steppes to be there enrolled in the

military service. They were to consist of the families of persons who had taken part in the insurrection, or "who, from their mode of life, are calculated, in the opinion of the local authorities, to excite the distrust of the government." Under the pretext, too, of providing for poor and orphan children, whose poverty was to be determined solely by the Russian authorities, a great number of Polish boys were transplanted to the military colonies in the Asiatic recesses of the empire. The use of the Polish language was prohi bited in all the tribunals of Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine. The University of Warsaw was shut up. The medical, theological, and astronomical works were allowed to remain; the rest of its library, rich in books and manuscripts, and the collections of prints and medals, were ordered to be removed to St. Petersburgh-for, said the imperial order, "as the Russian troops took Warsaw by force of arms, all these articles belong to Russia by right of war."

But the debts due by the library and museum were to be paid by Poland, although she had been deprived of all the collections.

gated the restriction, and restored the ancient rule of succession. In 1812, the Cortes re-established the Salic law, and, as Ferdinand had no sons, his brother, Don Carlos, was heir presumptive. Ferdinand, however, not acknowledging the legality of these proceedings of the Cortes, had issued a decree in March 1830, replacing the right of succession on the same footing on which it had stood in 1789, and his daughter was thus capacitated to mount the throne. But his daughter was an infant; his brother, Don Carlos, was the head of a powerful and bigotted party, who had already possessed influence enough to raise rebellion against the undoubted title and actual possession of Ferdinand himself. All the intrigues of this party were now brought to bear on the weakened mind of the dying king. They were supported by his ministers, eager to secure the favour of Don Carlos, who promised to be the successful competitor, in the event of a disputed succession; and the king was prevailed on to employ what seemed to be the last scene of his life, in disinheriting his own daughter, and approving of a decree by which he restored the Salic law to full operation. In all probability even the absence of this formal revocation would not have obstructed the enterprize of the Carlists. They were said to have already made the necessary preparations for proclaiming Don Carlos, so soon as the king should expire. They were strong in the army; they had the support of the royal volunteers, and, in an especial manner, of the priesthood, in whose eyes even the stern despotism and bigotry of Ferdinand were tainted with liberality and moderation. They would have found

a pretext for their rebellion, by treating the ordinance of 1830 as a regulation which could not be considered valid, because it had not been sanctioned by any assembly of the Cortes.

The queen had friends in the council who informed her of what had been done, and were ready to join in maintaining the rights of her daughter; but the king was helpless; and civil war seemed to be the only mode in which the succession could be determined. However, the very next day, after Ferdinand had been announced as alreadydead, and his attendants were only waiting to witness the dissolution of the unconscious monarch, the disease, unexpectedly, and at once, took a favourable turn; all symptoms of immediate danger disappeared, and consciousness and understanding were restored. The queen instantly brought before him the injustice which he had committed, or to which he had been made a party, when incapable of deliberating on what was going on; she pressed the rights of their child; she revealed the readiness with which ministers had joined the faction of his brother; she insisted on the danger which must necessarily arise to his own authority from teaching a prince, supported by so powerful a party, to consider himself clothed with a legal title. The indignation of the king was easily excited, as well as his fears. His own approbation of his daughter's exclusion had been obtained, when he was in the ago nies of death; and the advantage which the Carlists had attempted to take of his mental weakness to wound his best affections, sealed their fate. The ministry were displaced; Calomarde himself was sent into confinement in a fortress;

and the queen was appointed regent during the illness of her husband. As the enemies of herself and her daughter belonged to the class of the most ultra absolutists, she was necessarily led to seek her friends among men of a more liberal and moderate character, and to strengthen her cause by popular measures. M. Zea Bermudez was recalled from the embassy at London, to be placed at the head of the new ministry. Several of the captains-general of the provinces, who were known to be in the interest of Don Carlos, were dismissed; and so high were the expectations that, under the protection of the queen, a better order of things was approaching, that in Madrid itself the Spanish funds rose ten per cent. A decree was issued, reopening all the universities, which had been closed from a dread of the propagation of liberalism. The decree spoke a language which had been long unheard in the peninsula. It stated, that, among the obstacles which had impeded the improvement and glory of the country," the ignorance which, like a disease, has spread so extensively throughout all classes of the nation, that scarcely a single individual has escaped from the contagion, is not the least. In fact, from this disastrous source have sprung the capital vices which destroy kingdoms and annihilate institutions the most just, prudent, wise, and beneficial; by the same cause are produced divisions, factions, foul denominations, the specious arguments by means of which the most abominable crimes are affected as virtues, and those passions assume the name of public good which most injure and oppose it." Then followed, what Spain so much needed, a general amnesty

for all past political offences. All emigrants on account of political opinions or actions were allowed to return to the possession of their property, the exercise of their professions, and the enjoyment of their honours and decorations. All pending trials for political offences, committed prior to the date of the amnesty, were to be dropped; where trial had not yet begun, the accusation was to be dismissed; where sentence had been already pronounced, its execution was to be discharged. Two classes of offenders, however, were still excepted, viz.-1. Those members of the Cortes who had voted at Seville for the deposition of the king, and the appointment of a regency; 2. Those who had headed an armed force against the king during any of the previous convulsions-words which were probably intended to reach only general officers, but which might have been made to include numerous classes of officers of an inferior grade, who might, for a time, have held an independent command over small detachments. Many distinguished Spaniards who had served under the Cortes, in civil or military stations, and who, though pardoned, had been proscribed from all public employments, were now called into the service of the state. The Carlists sank, in the meantime, at least, almost without resistance. Their military retainers, and more particularly the royalist volunteers, attempted here and there to produce disturbances; but these only required the intervention of the police, and the regular army remained faithful to its duty. When the king, who had hitherto remained at San Ildefonso, returned to Madrid, in the middle of October, his arrival was hailed with en