gument this, both fallacious and pernicious, because then, al our prefent evils and difafters would be attributed not to Minifters, but to Government." With regard to Ireland, he wished to speak with caution. When the Catholics of Ireland had fhewn their loyalty at the time the French were off Bantry Bay, the Irish Government, under the influence of the British Cabinet, hesitated in refufing them a community of privileges. He hoped, however, that it was not yet too late to conciliate; but this could not be done by any half measures. Minifters must fpeak out fairly and explicitly, and not leave a loop-hole for fufpicion. He denied that the affairs of Ireland were foreign to the British Cabinet; and therefore should a convulfion happen in that country the fhock would be fuch as to demand punishment upon those on this fide the water, who had not fought to avert confequences fo ruinous. A Noble Baron fees nothing but a pink and rofe-coloured profpect in Ireland, like the Elyfian fields, as reprefented in the Opera Houfe: but he might be undeceived by reading his newspaper. The Noble Earl concluded, by wifhing for timely and manly conceffions. ·Earl Spencer objected to the Motion on the fame ground with Lord Grenville, becaufe it was connected in its object with a change of measures, which he firmly believed would prove ruinous to the country. If it were true that our fituation was dangerous, it behoved every one to come to a rallying point, and ftand by the established Conftitution of the country. The tendency of the Noble Duke's Motion, fo far from obviating existing difficulties, would, in his opinion, haften the ruin of the country. The Earl of Darnley faid, the country dreaded the adoption of fuch a Motion, not knowing with whom they could repose unlimited confidence. He acknowledged fome of the measures of Minifters might be blameable, but at the fame time, the uniform oppofition to every measure, had induced a fufpicion in the country, that thofe who upon all occafions objected to every measure of Government, were encouraging measures hoftile to the peace and conftitution of the country. If these two evils are to be met with, he, for one, would certainly chufe the leaft. He verily believed, that the fituation of Ireland had changed for the worse, through the fpeeches that had been made in that Houfe. The Duke of Bedford replied; he denied that he had ever pointed out the perfons whom he confidered as proper to fucceed the prefent Minifters if they were difmiffed; the Conftitution did not depend on particular men; it might be placed in better hands, but could not remain in worse. 9 M No. 42. The The queftion being called for-- The Lord Chancellor rofe. He faid that the Noble Duke's Motion was couched in terms coarse enough when it stated the "miferable inability" of Minifters; but this was not its main drift to criminate Minifters, for it could bear no other conftruction than as aiming at an introduction of a fyftem of Government hoftile to the Conftitution of this country. [Here the Lord Chancellor read that part of the Motion ftating, that the Houfe could "not attribute the misfortunes of the country, even to the incapacity of Ministers, but because of their fyftem, adverse to the Conftitution of Ireland." He afked, whether it was to be imputed as matter of crimination in Minifters, that the Parliament of Ireland was permitted to judge for itself what was fit to be done for that country? that they did not attempt to interfere with the independence of the Irish Legiflature, and to violate a folemn compact made with the people of that country? From other parts of the Motion which his Lordfhip read, he inferred that its object was to impute the misfortunes of the country to the want of a change in the fyftem, under the pretext of forwarding a Parliamentary Reform; that it led to a fyftem wilder than even that of univerfal fuffrage, which went to disfranchise all corporations, to empower the Houfe of Commons to uncreate their creators, and to disfranchise those who fent the Members to Parliament. If this fort of reform would at one sweep an nihilate all lay Corporations, Ecclefiaftical Corporations would be gone of courte. The term freeholder, had hitherto been the pride of the best part of the nation; but by the plan propofed, this was to give way to the more favourite term of pot-boilers; they were expected to cut up by the roots whatever entered into the nature of franchise property privilege, and to introduce in its ftead the principle of an Agrarian Law. But it was faid, "we do not take away any man's right of voting, but only extend it to others who are now without." He asked how the Noble Duke would like the application of this doctrine to his own eftates? If they were taken away from him, and an equal right given to every pot-boiler in his village, in common with himfelt? He would remind the Noble Duke and others what happened in France in the years 1789, and 1790; there those who were foremost in revolutionizing the country fell amongft the first victims of the maxims and prejudices which they had laboured to infufe. He entreated Noble Lords therefore to paufe; and, viewing the avowed tendency of the Motion, to introduce not merely a change of men, but of system, and eventually of Conftitution, he doubted not they would agree with him in giving it their decided negative. The The Houfe divided-- Against the Motion Proxies For it 65 ----91 12 Proxies Majority against the Motion. Adjourned. PROTEST 2 14 -----77 Entered on the Journals of the House of Lords, in confequence of DISSENTIENT, ft. Becaufe, acting according to the ancient practice of the British Conftitution, and in conformity with its true principles, we hold the advifers of the Crown to be refponfible for the condition of the State; refponfible for its internal peace, and general good Government; for the prefervation of all its ancient fundamental rights and liberties; for the protection of its commerce, of its credit, and the various fources of its profperity and wealth; for the obfervance of order, difcipline, and obedience in all the departments of the public force; for the honour and fuccefs of our arms (if unfortunately engaged in war); for the preponderance of the British power, and for the glory and fplendour of the British name. Inftead of recognizing in his Majefty's Ministers that ability, forefight, and integrity, by which thefe, its deareft interefts are preferved, we have feen throughout a courfe of years, the affairs of the nation conducted with that incapacity, perfidy, and corruption by which all great Empires, from the beginning of the world, have found their ruin; and which in the particular ftate and fituation of Great Brtain, have nearly exhaufted its refources and its credit, and annihilated its Conftitution, which have brought fhame upon its character in the eyes of foreign Nations and diffufed largely among its fubjects miftruft in the intentions of their Governors, hatred of their power, and contempt for their debility. zd. Because encouraged by the uniform, implicit, and fatal confidence of this Houfe in the conduct of Minifters, a fyftem of Government has arifen, which, if it be further perfevered in, will render the fortunes of thefe Realms utterly irretrievable, even fhould wisdom aud virtue fucceed in the minds of thofe Ministers to ignorance and wickednefs. That fyftem is governed by principles the very reverse of those by which States and Societies have hitherto been kept together. It is grounded on the doctrine that honour and reward is to attend on crime and folly; and that men are to be entrusted with power in proportion to their difpofition to abuse it. Such perverted maxims of policy take from Government. all the fupport it derives from opinion. The opinion of its confiftency is loft by Minifters adopting and rejecting, as it fuits the 9 M2 purpose purpose of their power, fyftems which they alternately recommend and revile. The opinion of its juftice is deftroyed from seeing that power depends on a principle which confounds the first diftinctions. of right and wrong. All opinion of its vigour and efficiency is loft in the daily infults to its authority to which they are compelled to fubmit. Every fpecies of diforder is hence introduced. The example of thofe who govern is followed by thofe who obey. Nothing regular or orderly is found in the intercourse between Subject and Sovereign. State neceffity, inftead of being referved for occafions of the laft emergency, is reforted to as the conftant, and every day practice of Executive Adminiftration. In fuch a fyftem there is neither order nor freedom; and it is the energy of freedom alone that can refift with effect the zeal or fancied fuperiority of military means. Where no power is left to correct the vices of an ill-adminiftered Commonwealth, nothing will remain to oppofe to the enterprizes of a foreign Enemy. 3d. Becaufe to fuffer ourselves to be found by a foreign enemy in this distracted condition, when we have the means of avoiding it, feems to us highly impolitic, and wantonly to call down deftruction upon the Itate. We fee nothing in the prefent Ministers fo valuable as to induce us to risk, for their prefervation, any part of the common intereft, They have already kindled, by their odicus perfecution of the Catholics in Ireland, the flames of civil difcord in that country, We believe that an immediate change of men and of measures would yet preferve the common ties by which the two countries are united. If, unhappily, measures of intolerance are to be fuftained by the fword, and if that oppreffed country be torn from the British Crown, as America was fevered from our Empire, rather than that thefe Minifters fhould incur the loss of their Offices, we are unable to fee in what Great Britain would be the gainer. If an invafion of these realms fhould be the result of delaying to open a fincere negotiation for peace, fully as we rely upon the zeal and bravery of our countrymen for the event, we do not conceive that the mifchief of fuch an attempt would in any degree be compensated by finding, at the close of it, thofe Minifters fill in their offices. Above all things we deem it highly in expedi ent that any numerous or important clafs of the people fhould, in fo perilous a moment, conceive themselves to be placed in the alternative between foreign conqueft, and domeftic ufurpation. We think that in this crifis no excufe is left for not calling forth the whole wifdom, and all that remains of the energy of the British Nation; that it is among the crimes of thefe Minifters that they have exhaufted in idle alarms for factious purpofes, thofe refources which ought to have been preferved whole and unbroken, to meet the difafters which are impending over us, and for having fet up a cry of loyalty against liberty, to the deftruction of that real ftrength by which alone our fhores and our altars can, in the last extremity, be defended. 4th. Becaufe fuch a fyftem is dangerous to our prefent fafety and exiftence as an independent State, and the fupport uniformly given to it, tends to degrade and villify this Houfe in the opinion of the people. people. For the first time in our hiftory the continuance of a Minifter in office feems to be made a condition of the Conftitution. If that Minifter, after having reduced his country to the lowest ebb of shame and mifery, fhall continue to receive and to difpenfe all trufts, honours, and emoluments, and to be fupported in his abandoned courfes by this House, no motive will remain to love and reverence a Conftitution exhibited in thefe colours to the people, through the medium of this Houfe. Feeling no intereft in our proceedings they will lofe all refpect for our character and all belief in our honour. 5th. Because we believe the prefent Minifters to be utterly incompetent to the cure of the evils they have produced. As the principles on which they made the war offer no profpect for its fuccefs, thofe on which they have hitherto negotiated for peace afford no hope for its attainment. As the improvidence and incapacity with which they have conducted the war have contributed fo largely to produce the calamitous fituation of Europe, and to build up the prodigious power of the French Republic, we conceive that they poffefs not the means of obtaining fafe or honourable terms of peace for this country. We cannot expect that they will hereafter cherish or encourage that fpirit of liberty, under which, in former times, our greatnefs has grown and been matured. We are rather impreffed with the fear that under the fame pretences which have caufed all our prefent difafters, large military eftablishments will continue to be kept up, with a view of crushing all its efforts, and rivetting ftill clofer the fetters of the people; that released from the preffure of foregn hoftility, they will have recourse to coercive measures in that unhappy country where their oppreffions have already provoked the people to refiftance. We can hope for no economy from men whofe extravagance and wafte exceeds whatever has been heard of the mad prodigality of former periods, We can expect no falutary reformations from thofe who have endeavoured to engraft upon and blend with the fubftance of the Conftitution itself, thofe abufes by which their rapacity is fupported. Finally, we can expect from fuch men and fuch a fyftem, no other iffue but the establishment of a dominion of Minifterial Terrorifm, fupported by Parliamentry corruption, instead of the ancient Conftitution of this country conducted according to the principles of the Revolution. (Signed) HOUSE OF COMMONS. BEDFORD. A Writ was ordered to be iffued for the Election of a Member to ferve in Parliament for Reading,. in the room of the Honourable Mr. Neville who has acceded to the title of Lord Braybrook, upon the death of Lord Howard de Walden. Tower Hill Improvement, Ramfgate Harbour, Affeffed Taxes, and Langley's Eftate Bills, were read a third time, and paffed. PARLIA |
