nasty, and gave each of themselves a chance of the crown. In

a word, all who were to be benefited by the projected wrongs · and opprellions were made privy to the design, and zealously

pledged their aid to the execution of it. Those who were to be ruined by the scheme, were spared the pain of kuowing its existe ence; and those who were only remotely affected, had not time to give their full attention to the subject before its author was numbered with the victims of the scheme fo happily consummated on St Bartholomew's day

It may be alked, then, where lies all the improbability which has given occasion to the reasonings of M. Chambrier and others against the existence of the plan ? That a prince of Henry's plain good sense and intimate acquaintance with affairs should have formed the design of giving perpetual peace to the world by means infinitely more chimerical than ever entered the head of a cloistered enthufat, might indeed excite our wonder. But there is nothing very aitonishing in the real state of the fact, . rhat an ambitious and patriotic monarch, fluihed with conquests, which, nevertheless, like all the victories of civil war, fet bounds to the further progress of his arms against his foreign enemies, ílouki have resolved to foment divisions among thein, and raise fuch a party in his own favour as might spare the armies of France, while it raiied her to the higheit pitch of continental influence. Under pretence of giving peace to Europe--a pretence addressed not to his coadjutors whom he was bribing with spoil, but to the world in general, like all the appeals made in manifeitoes and proclamations he was only exciting a war of partition, and giving a new position to the balance which he saw that France could hold, as the placed it. He was not one of those statesmen who try to form coalitions by describing the real interests of their neighbours in diplomatic conferences, and expect to make foreign armies march into the field by argument and declamation on the propriety of hoitilities. Ifis reaioning was much more practical; it was leveiicd to the mean capacities of cabinets, as it was drawn from a thorough knowledge of their nature. To one he said, ' Attack the liute of Antria, and you shall have Lombardy for your share of the spoil; 'to another, 'Go to war, and here are tittv troufind men qualift you.' There were the fort of topics chi tiy invited upon

y llenry; and he knew them to be wonderrully well suited to the conrelentons of the powers he had to deal with. That he ever louk b.ver the tirit movements of his coulition, or expected ary t'?frein tie organization of the blin conmonreuth, it would be award to imagine. His eld wis gained if Anittia was istilled 0 al files. Having recurd Gornant, t'ie Pere, the D:cfs.sey and S:sitzerland, by z ero of ple;

having made some progress in keeping the northern powers quiet. by negociation, and probably by secret offers allo; and having. succeeded in exciting the utmost discontent among the subjects of some of the Austrian provinces, no doubt can be entertained of his final, and even speedy success, to the whole extent of liis wishes the general dismemberment of his great rival's domi. nions, had he lived longer, or been followed by less peaceful succeffors.

We have seen that the reception of his plan, where he propounded it, presents nothing more wonderful than the structure of the scheme itself. No improbability then remains to excite our doubts, unless perhaps some admirer of Henry's character fhould imagine that the, perfidy of the transiction suited ill with his general good faith, and other moral qualities. But to such a reasoner we thall only suggest this plain confideration, that the monarch who could carelessly plunge his country and his neighbours in all the horrors of war, to pursue the gratification of his pallion for a filly woman, was either not very likely to feel squeamith upon the much more doubtful question of gaining a great and good end by improper means; or was a person upon whose steadinets of principle in public affairs no confidence could be placed. The character of this singular person is in truth vaftly too mixed, to adnit of any such positive inferences as those which are drawn against the likelihood of particular passages in a man's life, from their discrepancy with his general habits. •

Although we are of opinion that the foregoing considerations render any discussion of the authenticity of the statements in Sully's memoirs a matter of subordinate importance, we shall nevertheless add a few words, for the purpose of noticing the evidence upon which those rest. It is to this view of the question that M. Chambrier directs his whole attention ; and it may serve as a fupplement to the remarks already offered upon the intrinsic merits of the subject.

Sully, says our author, is the only historian who mentions the particulars of Henry's plan, as we have above sketched it. Others Talk of his grand design; but they mean by thoie terms a project for the general conquest of Austria, which is said to have been his real view, after he should have obtained the person of the Princess of Condé, by making war upon the Netherlands. From so hurtful a scheme, the Duke is reported to have turned him aide by his frugal system of government; and D'Etrées, in his Memoires, shews that, immediately after Henry's death, this prudent minifter used his utmost influence with Louis XIII. and Mary the regent, in favour of pacific councils. M. Chambrier then argues, that the memoirs of Sully having been compiled


from his papers by his secretaries, we may be permitted to question the solidity of the grounds on which the whole statement depends. He quotes Father Avrigny, who gives it scarcely any credit ; and adds, that the secretaries themselves, admitting the fact of Sully never having conversed distinctly on the subject, ftate their authority for the insertion to have been different pieces of manuscript, unsigned, half torn, little connected, and thrown afide as useless. But we should remember that their statement of the plan is precise, and that they aver the possibility of tracing it distinctly in those documents. They also mention having broached the subject to their master, who certainly would have given them immediate disproof of the suppositions which they had formed, had they been greatly deceived, although nothing could be more natural than his refudal to furnish secret details when he saw them on the right scent. Nay, the very circumstance of the statement being found only in Sully's papers, forms of itself a presumption against the mistake or falfity of the compilers. It was at once likely that traces of the design should be left there, though in no other quarter, and improbable that the secretaries fhould incorporate with their memoirs, not an augmentation or correction of stories then in circulation, but a vision entirely unknown to all the rest of the world.

M. Chambrier offers several remarks upon the discrepancy of Henry's conduct with various parts of the great design. By the treaty of Bruchsol in 1610, it is well known that Savoy was ceded to France as an indemnity for her aid to the Duke in con. quering the Milanese. Other proofs are not wanting that the country of Nice was destined for France also. And the treaty of Halle itipulated the asistance of ten thousand men to the Princes of the league, in furtherance of their scheme for obtaining the succession of Cleves from the House of Austria, although, by the grand design, that succession was to have been incorporated with Holland in an independent republic. But it is unnecessary to dwell at greater length upon these discrepancies. They are all reconciled by the view of Henry's grand design, which we have ventured to suggest in the preceding pages ; and the facts, on a comparison of which they proceed, only serve to place, in a still stronger light, the opinion we have there itated as to the real nature of that famous project.

ART. XIV. Sopra il Carbone che si rinchuide nei Pianti. Memoria

di Giambattista da S. Martino. (from Meixorie di Matemati

ça è Fifica della Societa Italiana. Tom. VIII. Part II. TT is sufficiently fingular that the sciences should suffer more than any other human concern, by the interruptions which

arise from local boundaries. We have seen, on many occasions, the difficulty with which works the most highly esteemed in one country become known, even to the most learned men of states fituated in its immediate vicinity. Every one knows how long the immortal works of Bacon took to make their way across the Channel. The commentator on Kari's Philosophy, has informed us of the lowness with which a system that occupied every head on the right bank of the Rhine, crossed over to the left; ind all Germany had been for twenty years busily occupied with omances and free-masonry, before it was suspected in Engand that such was the passion of the Germans. When we comare with this tardy and difficult communication of tastes and cientific lights, the rapid and hourly intercourse of ordinary ommerce which unites the most remote quarters of the globe, e shall at least find reason to conclude that the intereft excited | speculative pursuits, is of a kind very different in vivacity om the common defire of gain, and the gratification of our pre sensual appetites. The bill of exchange which Mr Bruce w in the depths of Abyssinia, where no European had ever ore penetrated, was duly presented for payment in Lombardet. The small gold coins of ancient Greece and Rome, have

rived the lapse of ages, when objects of infinitely greater real to 2

ie, and of far more easy preservation, have only left the rein of their names to the present generation; and we are now ut to shew that the trifling boundary of the Alps, has locked

rom the rest of Europe, the knowledge of many scientific render?

ks, which, on the northern side of those mountains, would Els spread themselves with rapidity over all the ftudies of EngWichst and France. It is, however, worthy of notice, that the

of the pofition does not hold. The Italian philosophers Cher to be in full possession of all the improvements, even the upa! recent, which their brethren the · Filosofi Oltramontani”

Deen adding to the stock of literature and science. oleh 're are in the different States of Italy, a greater number of Farma che fic institutions of importance for the ardour of their redes of this they es and the regularity and value of their publications, than I the one equal portion of territory in the rest of Europe. Neither the mis med ta, ied divisions of political society which have place in Germany, Frances more compact monarchies of England, France and Spain, to let crowded and busy population of Holland and the Netheralte

f u rnish any thing like the same number of distinguished acaMeet, Lo Leaving out of view a multitude of minor inititutions, of dant to devoted to the cultivation of the fine arts, and several phySITT : - ' lemies, which have not as yet published memoirs (for ex.

"hose of Pisa and Paria), we have, in the north of Italy

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alone, alone, (a very narrow district, placed in circumstances not the inoit favourable to the calm pursuits of science), no fewer than five learned bodies, only one of which is ever mentioned in the north of Europe, and even that one very seldom referred to. The memoirs of the academies of Mantua, of Milan, of Padua, and of Turin, are all works of great merit. Of the latter, the only one ever quoted in England and France, probably because it alone publishes its transactions in the French language, we have begun to give our readers fome specimens in the present Nuniber. But more important than all there is the fund of original science contained in the transactions of the Italian Society of Verona. They are published in large volumes with great regularity, and contain a fucceflion of the most interesting memoirs upon all the subjects of physical and mathematical science. We need only refer to the geometrical papers contained in the fourth volume of these tranfactions. We regret that this publication is of a date rather too far back to justify us in analyling those tracts. They contain folutions of fone problems, particularly of the famous problem, the simplest case of which is mentioned by Pappus Alexandrius, and of which the general case has been found to be of extreme difficulty by the methods of modern analysis, according to the first mathematicians. (Berlin Mernoirs for 1798, p. 95.) Nothing can he conceived more perfectly rigorous, and at the same time more rimple and clegant, than those geometrical investigations of the Italian mathematicians. Pappus mentions the problem in its eatieft case, as having been folved by Apollonius, viz. to inscribe in a circle a triangle, whose fides pass through three given points in a given strait line. Cramé generalized this, so as to solve it wherever the points were placed. (Berlin Memoirs, 1776.) In the same volume is a solution by La Grange, also by the modern analysis. Euler, and his pupils Fuss and Lexel, solved this cale geometrically in the Petersburg Memoirs for 1780. Castiglione gave another folution in the Berlin Memoirs for 1777. L'Huilier, in the same Memoirs for 1798, folves the general problem, ' to inscribe a polygon in a circle, so that all the sides may país through given points.' This he does by the algebraical calculus fuggested by La Grange. But the Italian mathematician does it by the purest rules of ancient geometry. He was a young man of 15 when he discovered and made it known. His name is Annibale Giordano of Naples. Several moft able tracts of his are contained in the Neapolitan Memoirs. The other mathematician who folved it at the same time, is Profetior Malfatti of Ferrari.

The Societies of Bologna and Florence are famous, especially the latter, for their scientific researches; and, not to extend the


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