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RIGHT HON. CHARLES LONG, M. P.

PAYMASTER of the forces, and for many years joint secretary to the treasury with Mr. Rose. He is a man who is very attentive to his duty, who performs it well, and has always, both in and out of parliament, seconded the views of Mr. Pitt; and has been a very useful man in every station that he has filled, without that species of turbulent pretension for which some clever men of business are too remarkable.

Mr. Long is not what the Americans call a lengthy speaker, nor is he what we call an orator; but he speaks well, with information of his subject; and whenever he does speak, obtains attention. Few political men who have filled important situations, have created to themselves a smaller number of enemies than Mr. Long.

LOUIS XVIII.

EX-KING OF FRANCE.

THE moment approaches when it will probably be finally determined whether the Bourbon race will be restored to the throne of France, or some new arrangement take place.

What may be the degree of probability of either event, it is impossible to say, but should Louis XVIII. ascend the throne, he will become one of the most important political characters in EuIf he does not mount the throne now, the rope. restoration of his family probably never will take place.

Louis XVIII. is an extremely well-informed prince. Previous to the revolution he kept aloof from the intrigues of the court of France, and since he has been in adversity, he has displayed many virtues. His Majesty has in particular shewn his humanity towards the emigrants who followed the fortunes of his family. It is true, that to support or assist such men was in some sort a duty, but

how far did that duty extend? It must have, like every thing else, a limit, and we believe that he extended it as far as he had the means*, without attention, in many cases, to his own comfort.

When a revenue was assigned to an exiled prince, to support, in some shape his dignity, he could not live exactly like a private man. So long as the restoration of the house of Bourbon was a possible and a desirable event, so long was it necessary that Louis XVIII. should be considered as the chief of that house, and therefore he could not, as some have pretended to expect, strip himself of every thing necessary to preserve his rank.

As to personal virtues, this prince is endowed with many, and his long adversity has afforded numerous opportunities for their exertion: but the immense number of his adherents has rendered

*We have heard of his even depriving himself of jewels, and such property, to relieve individuals unknown to him, but from their misfortunes, and their cause. As to the Duchess of Angouleme, her conduct is beyond praise-it commands admiration.

+ Besides their number, the French, when in difficulty, press so hard for relief, that it is very painful for a feeling mind to withold it. The best manner of getting rid of an importunate Frenchman is, to let him go on without remonstrance, and probably he will

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him altogether unable to grant the relief which his will would do, and which their extreme necessities incline them to expect.

The allied powers have very wisely determined that they will not point out to France what she is to do in respect to her interior government, though they may indicate what they would wish, as being for the benefit of all parties; and on this subject much might have been said, and we certainly should have extended, had not the moment that will decide the question been so near that before this portrait can be published, the affair may probably be decided in one way or other*.

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Every one will admit, that to follow the example of the Dutch, and take back the old government, would be the most likely way to put an end to the troubles that have desolated France, but sufficient

pains have not been taken to make known the views of Louis XVIII. were the family to be reinstated; and indeed there is a real difficulty. When Charles II. of England was restored, it was done as if by acclamation; and being the rightful heir, he always thought of the throne as it had been in his father's time. James II. his brother, who was not so careless a man, and who had children, attached himself still more earnestly to the cause of the preservation of what is termed royal prerogative, and he found it necessary to abdicate the

One great objection to the present ruler, or to any of the same sort, is, that he has never held his word sacred; and that the revolutionary morality is that of banditti, and admits of a line of conduct that is incompatible with the welfare of society. Good faith and honour are indispensable to the happiness of mankind, most of the persons who owe their rise to the revolution, are accustomed to consider it as meritorious to obtain their ends without rejecting any means by which that can be done.

The nations of Europe have a right to put themselves in a safe position relative to France. They

throne. When William III. ascended the throne, he did not do it by right, but by a compact with the representatives of the nation, that is, the parliament; he therefore had no right, or appearance of right, to think of any prerogatives but such as he was invested with by that compact, in virtue of which he mounted the throne. The best way, in the present case, might probably be for a compact to be made, which the allies should guarantee; and now that the French nation are convinced by experience, that the visionary and impracticable schemes of liberty and equality are fraught with great danger, they might be glad to adopt such a constitution as would render them happy without pretending to that degree of perfection that is incompatible with the nature of man; the attempt to establish which was the cause of so much misfortune and misery to that once happy country.

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