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that which may be most depended upon) says; Enkidev (from Zacynthos) nedylov monohuevou TÒ eis Aevnáda xalayoutai, κατεχόντων έτι το χώριον 'Ακαρνανών και ταύτη πάλιν ιερόν Αφροδίτης ιδρύονται. Τοτο ο νυν έσιν εν τη νησίδι τη μεταξύ τη Διορύκτα τε και της πόλεως· καλείται δε Αφροδίτης Αινειάδος. "Αρανίες δε αυτόθεν, και επί το "Ακλιον ελθόντες, ορμίζονται το Αμβρακικό Κόλπο προς το ångwingsove naneītey eis Aubeaníar á Qixvõvto Trónov. Lib. I, p. 40.

Virgil perhaps makes them stay at Actium, to celebrate the games there, in compliment to Augustus; who instituted the Actian Games, three years after his victory off this shore; in gratitude to the Actian Apollo, who was said personally to assist him in that victory. i Ovid, who describes this voyage of Aeneas so much in haste, does not omit his compliment on the same occasion:

" Versique vident sub imagine saxum “ Judicis, Actiaco quae nunc ab Apolline nota est.” * Zacynthos, now Zant, one of the famous Currant Islands, subject to the state of Venice. Sir G. Wheeler tells us, that it is about thirty miles in circuit; and is one of the most fruitful and pleasant places he ever saw. It lieth, he says, about. thirty miles distant from the Morea, and about ten miles or more south from Cephalonia or Samè. Pag. 39. · * Over against Pescarda (which is a harbour on the east side of Cephalonia), is the isle Thiaki, separated from Cephalonia only by a strait of three or four miles over; for which reason some call it Little Cephalonia. The likeness of its name hath made it be taken for Ithaca, one of the principal Isles of Ulysses's kingdom; and is placed there by Sanson and Sophianus. But they may be deceived: for Strabo, speaking of Ithaca, gives it but eighty stadia about, which maketh ten Italian miles; and this island is at the least double. Therefore I believe that Ithaca is another little island, seven or eight miles from hence, called yet Ithaca: which is much less than this; which Sir George Wheeler believes was antiently called Dulichium, because it hath on the east side a port with the ruins of a town called yet Dolichia. In a wood there are to be seen the ruins of an old castle, which the islanders tell you was the palace of Ulysses. Sir G. Wheeler, p. 35, etc. · ** The isle of Cephalonia in Homer's time was called Samos; it was the greatest island of Ulysses's kingdom. And I wonder (says Sir G. Wheeler) that Strabo maketh it not above 300 stadia in circuit, which amount but to 38 Italian miles; and Pliny no more than 44 miles; although indeed it hath more than 120 miles in compass, p. 36.

** As to the Isle Ithaca, it is desert; and those of Thiaki go thither to till it, in its seasons, p. 35.

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which sice, called yetanother littleast double.

it was the isle Sir G. which then a wood

visibhe promo meantelor, p. 36 which suis situa part of

** The island of St. Mauro was antiently called Leucada; and the modern Greeks call it so yet: for the castle only is properly called St. Mauro, from a convent which stood there, whilst it was under the Venetians. Strabo says, that it was antiently joined to the land; and that the strait was dug to separate it; which is likely enough; for in the straitest part it doth not much exceed fifty paces over, and almost everywhere three or four feet of water. It is in this narrowest part of the strait that the antient city Leucada had its situation, upon an eminence a mile from the sea; of which some remains are yet to be seen. Sir G. Wheeler, p. 36.

th? This is meant of the famous statue of Apollo, placed on the promontory of Actium: which as it stood so high, was visible to the mariners a good way out at sea; and was much revered by them. Pol. VIII. 64 and 65.

Ver. 283–288.
66 Interea * magnum sol circumvolvitur annum;
“ Et glacialis hiems Aquilonibus asperat undas.
“ Aere ** cavo clypeum, magni gestamen Abantis,
“ Postibus adversis figo, et rem carmine signo;

* Aeneas haec de Danais victoribus arma.” Quaer. If, by “ Magnum annum” here, Virgil does not mean Quinquennium; the usual time for celebrating these times ? If so, we are hereby informed of the time since Aeneas left Troy.

** This alludes to the dedication made by Augustus at the place after the battle of Actium, as Aeneas's celebrating the games there does to his sports. Strabo tells us that, “ De “ praedâ ex hostibus captâ Caesar dedicavit decem naves, ab “ uno remorum ordine acta ad deciremem usque, primitias spoli" orum.” Lib. VII.

Ver. 339-341.
" Quid puer Ascanius? superatne, et vescitur aurâ ?
“ Quem tibi jam Troja * -

Ecquae jam puero est amissae cura ** parentis?". * This break was certainly intended, and is a great beauty. Virgil through this whole passage makes Andromache express her passionate enquiries in broken sobs. What if we suppose that Aeneas, perceiving by this beginning that Andromache was going to enquire after Creüsa, stops her, to prevent her naming her name; and, by some sign, signifies that she was dead ? It is very common among the Italians to this day to express their meaning by signs; and supposing this to be the case, the enquiry in the next verse follows very properly.

** Some commentators explain Parentis (Patriae), the sense of

which would be very good, and be very properly followed by the two ensuing verses ; but as it would be unmannerly and inexcusable in Andromache, if she had not known Creüsa's fate, not to make the least mention of or enquiry after her, therefore we must suppose that she did not know it'; and her condoling compliment to be paid here; and the word here used (viz.) Amissae, is the most proper that could be used on the occasion; and shews plainly that Andromache condoles the loss of Creüsa, and that tenderly without mentioning her name. ' Ruaeus tells us how Andromache might be informed of the story: but supposing that she could not know it before this interview with Aeneas, would these critics have Virgil introduce her enquiring of Aeneas where his wife was? That could not be without obliging Aeneas at the same time to relate again in form the whole story of the loss of her, which would have been absurd. Therefore, allowing she was told by Aeneas, it was necessary that it should be in private, and not related here. As we must suppose many things to have passed in their discourse touching this long voyage, which could not properly be related here : and this is agreeable to Horace's rule :

- In medias res,
.66 Non secus ac notas, auditorem rapit; et quae

“ Desperat tractata nitescere posse, relinquit.” It is sufficient that she hints by the word Amissae, that she knew the story. We must suppose that Aeneas answered Andromache's questions; “ Tibi qui cursum venti,” etc. - Quid puer 66 Ascanius,” etc. though Virgil does not say it. We must likewise suppose that enquiry was made after Anchises, though not 'asserted here; for we find afterwards presents sent to him:

“ Sunt et sua dona parenti.” If all had been related in form, in questions and answers, this pathetic interview must have proved a very insipid one.

Ver. 377–383.
“ Pauca tibi è multis, quo tutior hospita lustres
“ Aequora, et Ausonio possis considere portu,
“ Expediam dictis: prohibent nam caetera Parcae
“ Scire Helenum, + farique vetat Saturnia Juno.
“ Principio Italiam, quam tu jam rere propinquam,
“ Vicinosque, ignare, paras invadere portus,

"i * Longa procul longis via dividit invia terris.” + Virgil represents the prophet Helenus, as restrained in his discoveries of what was to happen to Aeneas, in his going for! Italy. The great point in which he was thus restrained, was

Hence he saw you shall

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Aeneas's delay at Carthage; and the danger that arose from it, of his quite breaking off his voyage, and settling in that city. Hence he says afterwards, ver. 440. “ If Juno does not pre“ vent it, you shall go from Sicily to Italy;" and it is true, he did so; but that was after the second time of his being in Sicily: and the whole affair of his being driven to the coast of Africy and his staying so long at Carthage (which happened after his first leaving Sicily), is totally dropped by Helenus. All he does tell him, is; how he may escape the other dangers in his voyage; and what he is to do, and where to fix, when he is got to Italy.

* This verse hints at the form of Italy; which is extended in length like a leg, and has one side divided from the other by a craggy ridge of mountains.

VER. 389_393.
66 Cum tibi solicito secreti ad fluminis undam
66 Litoreis ingens inventa sub ilicibus y sus
“ Triginta capitum foetus enixa jacebit,
“ Alba, solo recubans, albi circum ubera nati;

“ Is locus urbis erit, requies ea certa laborum.” of " Quod portenderit factum 30 annis ut Lavinienses condi“ derint oppidum Albam. Hujus suis ac porcorum etiam “ nunc vestigia apparent Lavinii; quod et simulacra eorum “ ahenea etiam nunc in publico posita, et corpus matris, quod “ in salsurâ fuerit, demonstratur.” Varro, De re rust. I. II. c. iv. § 18.

Ver. 399_402.
“ Hic et Narycii posuerunt moenia Locri,

Et Salentinos obsedit milite campos
“ Lyctius Idomeneus: hic illa ducis Meliboei

6 Parva * Philoctetae subnixa Petilia muro.” * “ Thurinorum urbem condidisse Philocteten ferunt, ibique adhuc Monumentum ejus visitur.” Justin. lib. XX. c. i.

VER. 410-413.
“ Ast, ubi digressum Siculae te admoverit orae
" Ventus, et angusti * rarescent claustra Pelori;
“ Laeva tibi tellus et longo laeva petantur

Aequora circuitu : dextrum *fuge littus et undas.” * Dr. Trapp has translated this very justly: “ And strait “ Pelorus shews its narrow passage." But in his notes he says; 66 One would think the word Rarescent should signify the “ direct contrary,” etc.--Any one who only looks on the map will observe, that Italy and Sicily must appear at some distance to sailors as one land, till they come in a direct line with the Straits; and then the Claustra Pelori must open and discover its narrow passage. In this point of view Virgil should be understood.

** See the account of Octavius's sufferings in the straits of Messina. Appian, from p. 1142 to 1148. edit. Toll.

. Ver. 433–439. “* Praeterea, si qua est Heleno prudentia vati, “ Si qua fides, animum si veris implet Apollo ; “ Unum illud tibi, nate Dea, praeque omnibus unum « Praedicam, et repetens iterumque iterumque monebo; “ Junonis magnae primum prece numen adora ; 6 Junoni cane vota liberis, dominamque potentem • Supplicibus supera donis.”

* Observe with how much earnestness Helenus gives this admonition; he repeats it over and over, and insists upon it as his principal instruction; as Aeneas himself observes afterwards, ver. 546, “ Dederat quae maxima.” The occasion, I suppose, was; the Poet hereby pays a compliment to Augustus for the temples he built in honour of Juno, notwithstanding her former hatred to the Trojans. Compare this with book XII. 840.

VER. 456, 457.
“ Quin adeas vatem, precibusque oracula poscas :
“ * Ipsa canat, vocemque volens atque ora resolvat.”
* Emphatically, Sibylla herself. See lib. VI. ver. 76.

Ver. 521, 522.
“ Jamque rubescebat stellis Aurora fugatis:
“ Cum procul * obscuros colles, humilemque videmus

és Italiam.”* At such a distance that one scarce distinguishes whether they are mountains, or not. Lucan expresses this thought very prettily: 6 Dubios vanescere montes.” Phars. lib. III. ver. 7.

Ver. 564–567.
66 Tollimur in caelum curyato gurgite, et îdem
6. Subductâ ad manes imos descendimus undâ.
“ Ter scopuli clamorem inter cava saxa dedere;

“ Ter spumam elisam et rorantia vidimus astra.” * Mr. Holdsworth thinks this line may possibly mean, “ the “ foam dashed from the rocks, and falling in sparkling drops.”

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