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the same spirit animates the whole. Not less than of the Bostonians, or of the other provinces which sin hundred and fifty thousand gentlemen, yeomen constituted their crimes. But it is the noble spirit and farmers, are now in arms, determined to pre., of liberty manifestly pervading the whole continent, serve their liberties or perish.-As to the idea that which has rendered them the objects of ministerial the Americans are deficient in courage, it is too and royal vengeance.-Had they been notoriously ridiculous and glaringly false to deserve a serious of another disposition, had they been homines ad refutation.--I never could conceive upon 'servitudinem paratos, they might have made as free what this notion was founded.--I served several with the property of the East-India company as campaigns in America the last war, and cannot the felonious North himself with impunity. But recollect a single instance of ill behavior in the the lords of St. James', and their mercenaries of provincials, where the regulars acquitted them. St. S:ephen's, will know that, as long as the free selves well. Indeed we well remember, some in. spirit of this great continent remains unsubdued, stances, of the reverse, particularly where the late the progress they can make in their scheme of colonel Grant, (he who lately pledged himself for universal despotism, will be but triding. Hence the general cowardice of America) ran-away with it is, that they wage inexpiable war against Ame. a large body of his own regiment, and was saved rica. In short, this is the last asylum of persecuted from destruction by the valor of a few Virginians. liberty.--Here, should the machinations and fury Such preposterous arguments are only proper for of her enemies prevail, that bright Goddess must the Rigby's and Sandwich's, from whose mouths fly off from the face of the earth, and leave not a never issued, and to whose breasts, truth and trace behind. These, sir, are my principles; this decency are utter strangers. You wilt much oblige is my persuasion, and consequentially I am determe in communicating this letter to general Howe, mined to act. I have now, sir, only to entreat that to whom I could wish it should be considered in whatever measures you pursue, whether those some measure addressed, as well as to yourself. which your real friends (myself amongst them) Mr. Howe is a man for whom I have ever had the would wish, or unfortunately those which our highest love and reverence. I have honored him accursed misrulers shall dictate, you will still for his own connections, but above all for his believe me to be, personally, with the greatest admirable talents and good qualities. I have court. sincerity and affection, ed his acquaintance and friendship, not only as a
Your's &c. C. LEE. pleasure, but as an ornament; I flattered myself that I had obtained it.-Gracious God! is it possi.
A letter from general Burgoyne, in answer to one ble that Mr. Howe should be prevailed upon to
wrote him by general Lee.
Boston, July 9, 1775. accept of such an office? That the brother of him,
Dear sir. When we were last together in ser to whose memory the much injured people of Bos. ton erected a monument, should be employed as
vice, I should not have thought it within the
vicissitude of human affairs that we should meet one of the instruments of their destruction!-But the fashion of the times it seems is such, as renders
at any time, or in any sense as foes; the letter you
have honored me with, and my own feelings comit impossible that he should avoid it. The commands of our most gracious sovereign, are to cancel
bine to prove we are still far from being personally
such. all moral obligations, to sanctify every action, even those that the satrap of an eastern despot would I claim no merit from the attentions you so kindly start at.-I shall now beg leave to say a few words remember, but as they manifest how much it was with respect to myself and the part I act.-I was my pride to be known for your friend: Nor havo bred up from my infancy in the highest veneration I departed from the duties of that character, when for the liberties of mankind in general. Wbat 11 will not scruple to say, it has been almost genehave seen of courts and princes convinces me, that ral offence to maintain it: I mean since the violent power cannot be lodged in worse hands than in part you bave taken in the commotions of the theirs; and of all courts I am persuaded that ours colonies. It would exceed the limits and propriety is the most corrupt and hostile to the rights of of our present correspondence 10 argoe at full, humanity. I am convinced that a regular plan the great cause in which we are engaged. But has been laid (indeed every act, since the present anxious to preserve a consistent and ingenuous chaaccession, evinces it) to abolish even the shadowracter, and jealous, I confess, of having the part I of liberty from amongst us. It was not the demoli- susiain imputed to such motives as you intimate, tion of the tea, it was not any other particular act I will state to you as concisely as I can, the princi.
ples upon which, not voluntarily, but most con- which of these purposes do the proceedings of scientiously, I undertook it.
America tend? Is it the weight of taxes imposed,
and the impossibility of relief, after due representaI have, like you, entertained from my infancy a
tion of her burthens, that has induced her to take veneration for public liberty. I have likewise re.
arms? Or is it a denial of the legislative right of garded the British constitution as the best safe.
Great Britain to impose them, and consequently a guard of that blessing, to be found in the history of mankind. The vital principle of the constitu- struggle for total independency?-For the idea of
a power that can tax externally and not internally, tion, in which it moves and has its being, is the
and all the sophistry that attends it, though it may supremacy of the king in parliament; a compound,
catch the weakness and prejudices of the multitude, indefinite, indefeasible power, coeval with the origin
in a speech or a pamphlet, is too preposterous to of the empire, and coextensive over all its parts-
weigh seriously with a inan of your understanding, I am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke and
and I am persuaded you will admit the question other of the best advocates for the rights of man.
fairly put. kind, upon the compact always implied between the governing and governed, and the right of Is it then for a relief from taxes-or from the resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be controul of parliament, "in all cases whatsoever," so violated as to leave no other means of redress. that we are in war? If for the former, the quarrel I look with reverence, almost amounting to idolatry, is at an end-There is not a man of sense and in. upon those immortal whigs who adopted and ap. formation in America, who does not see it is in plied such doctrine during part of the reign of the power of the colonies to obtain a relinquish. Charles the 1st, and in tbat of James the Id.--ment of the exercise of taxation immediately and Should corruption pervade the three estates of the forever. I boldly assert it, because sense and in. realm, so as to pervert the great ends of their formation must also suggest to every man, that it institution, and make the power, vested in them for can never be the interest of Britain to make a the good of the whole people, operate like an abuse second trial. of the prerogative of the crown, to general op
But if the other ground is taken, and it is in. pression, I am ready to acknowledge, that the same
ended to wrest from Great Britain, a link of that doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against the abuses of the collective body of power, as
substantial, and I hope perpetual chain, by which
the empire holds think it not a ministerial managainst those of the crown, or either of the com
date; think it not mere professional ardour; think ponent branches separately: still always understood
it not prejudice against any part of our fellow sub. that no other means of redress can be obtained.
jects, that induces men of integrity, and among such A case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose when it relates to the whole then when it relates you have done me the honor to class me, io uct
with vigor:-But be assured it is conviction that to parts. But in all cases that have existed, or
the whole of our political system depends upon can be conceived, I hold that resistance, to be justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation
preserving entire its great and essential parts, and
none is so great and essential as the supremacy of or undue exercise of power, and that it is most
legislation-It is conviction that as a king of Eng. criminal when directed against any power itself
land never appears in so glorious a capacity as when inherent in the constitution.
he employs the executive power of the state to And here you will discern immediately why 1 maintain the laws, so in the present exertions of drew a line in the allusion I made above to the that power, his majesty is particularly entitled to reign of Charles the first. Towards the close of it our zealand grateful obedience, not only as soldiers the true principle of resistance was changed, and but as citizens. a new system of government projected accordingly.
These principles, depend upon it, actuate the The patriots, previous to the long parliament and during great part of it, as well as the glorious army and fleet throughout. And let me, at the
same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen revolutionists of 1688, resisted to vindicate and restore the constitution; the republicans resisted,
among us who would have drawn his sword in the
cause of slavery. But, why do I confine myself to to subvert it.
the feet and army: I affirin the sentiments I here Now, sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you touched, to be those of the great bulk of the na. have enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me, teltion. I appeal even to those trading towns which
are sufferers by the dispute, and the city of London wise communicated 10 lord Percy the contents of at the head of them, not withstanding the petitions your letter and my answer. They all join with me and remonstrances that the arts of parties and in compliments, and authorise me to assure you factions bave extorted from some individuals; and they do the same in principles. last, becalise least in your favor, I appeal to the
General Lee's answer to general Burgoyne's letter. majorities of the last vear upon American questions
CAMBRIDGE, HEAD.QUARTERS, July 11, 1775. in parliament. The most licentious news writer
General Lee's complimen sto general BURGOIRE, wants assurance to call these majorities ministeral; -Would be extremely happy in the interview he much less will you, when you impartially examine
so kindly proposed. But as be perceives that gethe characters of which they were in a great degree neral BURGTXE has already made up his mind on composed-men of the most independent principles this great subject; and that it is impossible that and fortunes, and many of them professedly in ophe (gen. LEE] should ever alter his opinion, he is position in their general line of conduct.
apprehensive that the interview might create those Among other supporters of British rights against jealousies and suspicions, so natural to a people American claims, I will not speak positively, but struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose liberty, property, wives, children, and their future integrity and judgment you have the highest opi. generations. He must, therefore, defer the bappi. nion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart: 1 ness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely mean lord Thanet, from whom my aid de camp has loves until the subversions of the present tyrannical a letter for you, with another from sir C. Davery. minisiry and system, which he is persuaded must I do not enclose them, because the writers, little be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain can. imagining how difficult your conduct would render not stand the contest.– He begs general BurgorNE our intercourse, desired they might be delivered will send the letters which his aid de camp has into your own bands.
for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires
his love to him. For this purpose, as well as to renew "the rights of our fellow.ship,” I wish to see you; and above Copy of a letter sent by William Tryon, esq to his all I should think an interview happy if it induced excellency governor Trumbull, of Connecticut. such explanations as might tend in their conse.
New York, April 17th, 1778. quences to peace. I feel, in common with all around Sre-Having been honored with the king's comme, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country mands, to circulate the enclosires to the people at - they foresee not the distress that is impending large, I take the liberty to offer them to you for I know Great Britain is ready to open ber arms up your candid consideration, and to recommend that, on the first reasonable overtures of accommoda. through your means, the inhabitants within your tion; I know she is equally resolute to maintain province may be acquainted with the same; as also ber original rights; and I also know, that if the the other provinces to the eastward. war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thousand I am, sir, your obedient servant, men will be no match for her power. I put my Governor TRUMBULL.
W. TRYOX. bonor to these afsertions, as you bave done to
His excellency's answer. others, and I claim the credit I am willing to give.
LEBANOX, April 23, 1778. The place I would propose for our meeting is SIR-Your letter of the 17th inst. from New York, the house on Boston Neck, just within our advanc. is received, with its enclosures, and the several ed sentries, called Brown's house. I will obtain similar packets, of various adresses, with which authority to give you my parole of honor for your it was accompanied. secure return: I shall expect the same on your
Proposals of peace are usually made from the part, that no insult be offered to me. If the pro- supreme authority of one contending power, to the posal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour similar authority of the other; and the present is - And, at all events, accept a sincere return of the he first instance, within my recollection, when s assurances you honor me with, and believe me
vague, half blank, and very indefinite draught of a aff ctionately yo'ırs,
bill, once only read before one of the three bodies of P. S. I have been prevented by business answer. ihe legislature of the nation, has ever been aldresing your letter sooner.-I obeyed your commands sed to the people at large of the opposite power, as in regard to general Howe and Clinton; and I like an overture of reconciliation.
There was a day, when even this step, from our “The mea is of constitu'ional legislation in this then acknowledged parent state, might have been colony, being now interrupted, and entirely pre. accepted with joy and gratitude; but that day, sir, carious, and being convinced that some rule is nea' is past irrecov ra' ly. The repeated in olent rejec. cessary, for speedily putiing the colony in a state tion of our sincere and sufficiently humble peti of defence, we, in an especial manner, recommend tions, the unprovoked commencement of hostilities; this matter to your consideration in convention; and the barbaro's inumanity which has marked the you may depend that any general tax, by that body provoc tion of the war on yo'ır part, in its several imposed, for such purposes, will be cheerfully stages; the insolence which displays itself on every submitted to, and paid by the inhabitants of this petty advantage; the cruelties which have been county. exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune
“We desire that you will consider the Bustonians of war has thrown into your hands-all these are
as suffering in the cominon cause, and cheerfully insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a
join in their support to the utmost of your power: peace with Great Britain, on any otber conditions than the most absolute and perfect independence.
“That you will direct the deputies to congress, To the congress of the United States of America, on the part of this colony, to use their best endea. therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad. vors to establish a tra le between the colonies; and dressed; and you wil give me leave, sir, to say that to procure a quantity of gun-powier, and a number the present mode bears too much the marks of an of cotton and wool cards from the northward, or insiduous design to disunite the people, and to lull elsewhere. us into a state of quietude, and negligence of the
“We desire further, that you will not depart nece sary preparations for the approaching cam from the association formed by the continental con. paign. If this be the real design, it is fruitless. If
gress in September last, but will strictly adhere to peace be really the object, let your proposals be it in every particular." properly addressed to th- proper power, and your negociations be honorab y conducted, we shall then
Forces of America. bave some prospect of (what is the most ardent wish The following was the estinate which general of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable Gage laid before the British ministry in 1775, of peace. The British nation may then, perhaps, find the force which could be raised in the colonies, us as affectionate and valiable friends, as we now and maintained in the field, are fatal and determined enemies, and will derive New England
37,000 from that friendship, more solid and real advan New York
11,000 tage, than the most sanguine can expect from con. Pennsylvania and Jersey.
Virginiu and Maryland
13,000 I am, sir, your humble servant,
5,000 J. TRUMBULL. William Taros, esq.
82,000 “ Instructions from the freeholders of Cumberland coun
The speech of the right hon. the earl of Chatham, ty, Virginia.) "To John Mayo and Willium Fleming, gentlemen,
the house of lords, January 20th, 1775, on
tion for an address to his mujesty, to give immediate their delegates, Murch, 1775. “We, the freeholders of Cumberlard county, hav.
orders for removing his troops from Boston, forth. ing elected you to represent us in a provincial con.
with, in order to quiet the minds and take away the ventin, to be held in the town of Richmond, on
apprehensions of his good subjects in America. Monday the 20th of this instant, and being con.
My lords-After more than six weeks possession vinced that the safety and happiness of Brilisle
of the papers now before you, on a subject so moAmerica depend on the unanimity, firmness, and mentous, at a time when the fate of this nation joint efforts of all the colonies, we expect you will, bangs on every hour, the ministry have at length
condescended to submit, to the consideration of on your parts, let your measures be as much for the common safety, as the peculiar interests of this
the house, intelligence from America, with which colony will permit; and that you, in particular, your lordships and the public have been long and comply with the reco'nmendation of the continen
fully acquainted. tal congress, in appointing delegates to meet in The measures of last year, my lords, which have the city of Philadelphia, in May next.
produced the present alarming state of America,
were founded upon misrepresentation, they were country, and the magnitude of danger hanging over vinient, precipitate and vindic ive. The nation this country from the present plan of misadminisWas told, that it was only a faction in Boston, tration practised against them, I desire not to be which opposed all lawful government; that an un- understood to argue for a reciprocity of indulgence Warrantable injury had been done to private pro.between England and America: I contend not for perty, for which the justice of parliament was cal. indulgence, but justice, to America; and I shall led upon, to order reparation;— hat tbe least ap. ever contend that the Americans owe obedience to pearance of firmness would awe the Americans us, in a limited degree; they owe obedience to our into submission, and upon only passing the Rubicon ordinances of trade and navigation; but let the we should be fine clade victor."
line be skilfully drawn between the objects of those
ordinances, and their private, internal property: That the people might clioose their representa- Let the sacredness of their property remain inviotives, under the impression of those misrepresen- late; let it be taxable only by their own consent, tations, the parliament was precipitately dissolved. given in their provincial assemblies, else it will Thus the nation was to be rendered instrumental
cease to be property: As to the metaphysical rein esecuring the vengeance of administration on finements attempting to shew that the Americans that injured, unhappy, traduced people.
are equally free from obedience to commercial re. But now, my lords, we find, that instead of sup- straints, as from taxation for revenue, as being un. pressing the opposition of the fac ion at Boston, represented here, I pronounce them futile, frivo. these measures have spread it over the whole con.lous and groundless.- Property is, in its nature, tinent. They have united that whole people; by single as an atom. It is indivisible, can belong to the most indissoluble of all bands-intolerable one only, and cannot be touched but by his own wrongs. The just retribution is an indiscriminate, consent. The law that attempts to alter this disun'nerciful proscription of the innocent with the posal of it annihilates it. guilty, anlieard and untried. The bloodless vic
When I urge this measure for recalling the troops tory, is an impotent general, with his dishonored from Boston, I urge it on this pressing principlearmy, trusting solely to the pick-axe and the spade, that it is necessarily preparatory to the restoration for security against the just indignation of an in. of your prosperity. It will then appear that you jured and insulted people.
are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and My lords, I am happy that a relaxation of my into consider, revise and repeal, if it should be found firinitjes permi's me to seize this earliest opportuni. necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acts and ty of offering my poor advice to save ibis unhappy declarations which have disseminated confusion country, at this moment tottering to its ruin. Bu throughout your empire. Resistance to your acts, as I have not the honor of access to his majesty, I was as necessary as ii was just; and your vain de. will endeavor to transmit to him, through the con
clarations of the omnipotence of parliament, and stitutional channel of this house, my ideas on Ame. your imperious doctrines of the necessity of subrican business, to rescue bim from the misadvice mission, will be found equally impotent to convince of his present ministers. I congratulate your lord. or enslave your fellow subjects in America, who ships that that business is at last entered upon, by
feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an indivi. the noble lord's (lord Dartmouth) laying the pa
dual part of tbe legislature, or by the bodies which pers before you. As I suppose your lordships are
compose it, is equally intolerable to British prina too well apprised of their contents, I hope I am not
ciples. premature in submitting to you nay present motion As to the means of enforcing this thraldom, they (reads the motion.) I wish my lords not to lose a are found to be as ridiculous and weak in practice, day in this urging present crisis: An hour now lost as they were unjust in principle: Indeed I cannot in allaying the ferment in America, may produce but feel, with the most anxious sensibility, for the years of calamity: but, for my own par:, I will not situation of general Gage and the troops under his desert for a moment the conduct of this mighty command; thinking him, as I do, a man of humani. business from the first to tlie last, unless nailed to ty and understanding, and entertaining, as I ever my bed by the extremity of sickness; I will give it shall, the highest respect, the warmest love, for the unremitting attention: I will knock at the door of British troops. Their situation is truly unworthy, this sleeping, or confounded ministry, and will pent up, pining in inglorious inactivity. They are rouse them to a sense of their important danger. ; an army of impotence. You may call them an army When I state the importance of the colonies to this 'of safety and of guard; but they are in truth an aru