member his interest annually, and his principal according to the terms of lending. This is the mode the friends of the cause are endeavoring to promote here, that all persons whatever may have an opportunity of subscribing. When I see large societies formed in your city the constitution of government, I cannot think they would be backward in a measure of this sort, which possibly may be the means of saving the very exist. ence of that government. credit of the money. 'Tis well enough that they should alarm the people, that every exertion may be made by them to support congress in their mea sures for raising the value of the money-but if congress be too much alarmed themselves, they will not be so likely to direct these exertions in the best manner to answer effectually the purpose intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought to promote their own particular sentiment about to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other means, will restore the money much sooner perhaps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, without destroying one bill, one half the money, at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the people will soon be amazed to see the money disappear, without hearing that any of it is destroyed. This position will appear evident to you when you consider, that, from the moment the present tax is collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will always be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up in the treasuries—and as fast as any part of this sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the The mode that I would advise in your city would be this: Let each class of people, according to their calling, associate together-and let the merchants, who we may suppose the monied men, begin-their example will soon be followed by the rest. This would convince both our friends and enemies, as well abroad as at home, that the people are determined to support the public credit, and the only hope that Britain now has would vanish in a moment. Once this example is set, he that is able, and treasury; that is, between the hands of the first col- does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of lectors and those that pay it out to the people his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accordagain: and while it is there, it will be out of sight ( and out of circulation. ingly. There are few evils but what have benefits proBut if taxation has been too long neglected, and portionate attendant on them. War cannot be caris now too slow to supply your present demand, it ried on without supplies, and the high prices given is better to borrow, than emit any more money-for them for twelve months past, has encouraged but not upon unusual interest;-a higher interest the merchant and the farmer in such a degree, that than usual, holds out that the people are not ready and willing to support the public credit, and that the security is doubtful. An accumulating inte rest, to be in proportion to the increase of the quantity of money, holds out that you intend to emit more-that is, that you will make the monster we see industry, enterprize and plenty abound every where-so that, in my private view, (notwithstanding the state of our finances), our circumstances are the most flourishing that they have been since the war began. yet more terrible, that has frightened every body Casar Rodney, esq. almost out of their wits already. Borrowing is a measure I never would advise, if the necessity of our circumstances did not drive us THOMAS RODNEY. Philadelphia, July 22d, 1779. DEAR SIR-I have received your favor of the into it, by being past the opportunity of better 17th, for which and the enclosure I am much obligmeans; but as we are now circumstanced, borrowed, as I shall always be for a communication of ing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the your sentiments on public affairs. measure is wisely conducted—that is, if the friends I so much agreed with you concerning the exto America would form themselves into bodies, or pediency of acceding to the confederation, though, small societies, and every man subscribe according as you justly observe, in several particulars excep. to his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, tionable, that I used what little influence I had to and each society to appoint one or more of their forward its ratification by our state; advising, at members to take a certificate for the gross sum the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts they all subscribe, in trust to receive and pay each objected to, addressed to congress, and pointedly expressing our expectation of a revision and alter-demands as possible, that the mediating powers, ation thereof at a more convenient season. may thereby receive favorable impressions of our tion-we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest terms-but, while we have so many thousands to supply with necessaries, and while the demands up. on us for the articles we must purchase are daily and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless stretch-to what purpose are loans and taxes?. Your reflections on our loan, and on some other equity and justice. The same mediating applicaproceedings, I fear, are too well founded.-Our dif- tion was made to the court of Spain, and their anficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of swer was, that they could not do any thing but in your proposal to stop the presses-we perceive conjunction with their ally, the king of France-so that the congress of mediation is likely to be detaxation to be of as much importance as you menlayed till our despatches reach France. However, the king says that, if he is so pressed that he cannot decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before mentioned, and then only proceed in the negociation so as to have it in such forwardness as will not injure America against their plenipotentiaries I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in and instructions arrived. The king of France thinks congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the that very equitable terms of peace may be obtainpreventing further emissions and several steps ed through this mediation, but urges us strongly have been taken towards that point, that are to exert ourselves this campaign-as the wresting known but by very few to lead towards it: some the southern states out of the hands of the British, others are now under consideration-and I am im- will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and patiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect make them more readily incline to equitable terms of carrying on affairs without further emissions, of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will permit me to move for stopping the presses. Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to De very affectionately remembered to your family. I am, sir, your sincerely affectionate and very humble servant, and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and to ensure the success of this mediation we ought to make the most ample and vigorous preparations for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, through a Mr. Cumberland, to negociate a separate treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not treat but in conjunction with France, and France cannot treat but in conjunction with America. Philadelphia, June 14, 1781. Thus are we linked together, so that the indepenSIR-You will find by the contents of this, that dence of America now stands on prosperous ground, it is a confidential letter, conveying you very im-and no further doubt need to remain about it: for portant and pleasing intelligence. this much is certain-all the powers of Europe, JOHN DICKINSON. To Thomas Rodney, esq. Dover. Congress has received a letter from the king of (Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. France, and are also otherwise officially informed Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that by his minister here, that the empress of Russia congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, their to apply for her mediation, at which the court of plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first London eagerly caught, and mentioned the empe-agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was apror of Germany as another mediator-and a con-pointed before I came up; they then agreed to add gress was proposed to be opened at Vienna, for the two more, then Jay was appointed-then Jefferson purpose of settling a general peace. The answer had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens one. of the court of France was, that they could send The states voted the same way three times. Then no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had I proposed to the members of Virginia and Penn consulted their allies; but, as the mediators are sylvania that we should appoint them both, which such respectable powers, and may be so fully relied being generally agreed to, this day was appointed on for justice, the king presses the United States for the purpose, and then Laurens was includedto submit to the mediation—and that the first pre-so the appointment now consists of five. New liminary he will insist on, previous to any other ne- Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, gociation, shall be, the independence of the United were for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, and States, in full-and upon obtaining this, request Massachusetts, Connecticut, Jersey, Virginia and that the states may be as moderate in all other North Carolina for Jefferson, Rhode Island and New York unrepresented; Georgia absent. Mr. (ing whipped. Their desertions, I believe, have M'Kean wanted to alter in favor of Jefferson and been rare, and their sickness but little. When leave Franklin out, which, upon Georgia's coming will our army bear the comparison? in, would have carried him; but I would not give His excellency THOMAS RODNEY. Casar Rodney, esq. Dover. AMERICAN AND FRENCH SOLDIERS. Williamsburg, 16th Dec. 1781. Thomas Rodney, esq. JAMES TILTON. British Parliament. Extract from the speech of Joux WILKES, delivered in the house of commons, on the 6th of Feb. 1775, on lord NORTH's propositions to declare, that a rebellion existed in the colony of Massachusetts, &c. From Botta's history. "I am indeed surprised, that, in a business of so much moment as this before the house, respecting the British colonies in America, a cause which comprehends almost every question relative to the common rights of mankind, almost every question DEAR SIR-After the departure of gen. Wash of policy and legislation, it should be resolved to ington, the French quartered themselves upon the proceed with so little circumspection, or rather people, of this and some other towns, a la mode with so much precipitation and heedless impru militaire, and gave no small offence; but they are dence. With what temerity are we assured, that the now dancing them into good humor again by a ball same men who have been so often overwhelmed every week. I had myself a petit guerre with a with praises for their attachment to this country, French officer, by which I was turned out of my for their forwardness to grant it the necessary quarters, and, consequently, came off but second succours, for the valour they have signalized in best. Being summoned before count Rochambeau its defence, have all at once so degenerated from to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a their ancient manners, as to merit the appellation long lecture on the subject of politeness to friends of seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels! But if and allies, with intimations of his power to punish such a change has indeed been wrought in the obstinacy. Although I was put into quarters equally minds of this most loyal people, it must at least good with those I was compelled to leave, I must be admitted, that affections so extraordinary could confess, I did not perfectly understand the French only have been produced by some very powerful politeness, in the mode of exchange. The old count, cause, But who is ignorant, who needs to be told I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a of the new madness that infatuates our ministers? day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine with him. who has not seen the tyrannical counsels they have pursued, for the last ten years? They would now have us carry to the foot of the throne, a It must be mortifying to our poor devils to ob resolution, stamped with rashness and injustice, serve the comfortable and happy life of French fraught with blood, and a horrible futurity. But soldiers. They appear on parade every day like before this be allowed them, before the signal of fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardly civil war be given, before they are permitted to to be distinguished from them. They are paid force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the once a week, and, by their happy countenance, ap- bowels of their fellow subjects, I hope this house pear to want nothing. A centinel is not allowed will consider the rights of humanity, the original to stand upon duty without a warm watch-coat in ground and cause of the present dispute. Have addition to his other clothing. The officers treat we justice on our side? No: assuredly, no. He the soldiers with attention, humanity and respect, must be altogether a stranger to the British conand appear to employ all the means necessary to stitution, who does not know that contributions are inspire them with sentiments of honor. Except voluntary gifts of the people; and singularly blind, some horse jockeying and plundering, at the re- not to perceive that the words "liberty and production of York, I have heard of no stealing among them.-Theft is said to be a crime held in univer sal abhorrence among them. I have not seen or heard of any instance, yet, of a French soldier be perty," so grateful to English ears, are nothing better than mockery and insult to the Americans, if their property can be taken without their consent. And what motive on there exist for this "To deny that the legislative power of Great "As though the Americans were fearful of being Britain is entire, general, and sovereign, over all called, at a future day, to take part in the national parts of its dominions, appears to me too puerile representation, they pre occupy the ground, and to merit a serious answer. What I would say is, warn you, in advance, that, considering their disthat, under this cover of rights, under this color tance, they cannot be represented in the British of privileges, under these pretexts of immunities, parliament: which means, if I am not deceived, the good and loyal Americans have concealed a that they will not have a representative power in design, not new, but now openly declared, to cast common with England, but intend to enjoy one off every species of superiority, and become altoge by themselves, perfectly distinct from this of the ther an independent nation. They complained of parent state. But why do I waste time in these the stamp-act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy vain subtleties? Not content with exciting discord them? On the contrary, they embittered more at home, with disturbing all the institutions of than ever our respective relations, now refusing social life, they endeavor also to scatter the germes to indemnify the victims of their violence, and now of division in the neighboring colonies, such as to rescind resolutions that were so many strides Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially Canada. towards rebellion. And yet, in these cases, there Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we was no question of taxes, either internal or external. not read here, in this land of genuine felicity, the A duty was afterwards imposed on glass, paper, incendiary expressions of their address to the Engcolours, and tea. They revolted anew; and the lish people, designed to allure them to the side bounty of this too indulgent mother again revoked of rebellion? Yes, they have wished, and with all the greater part of these duties, leaving only that their power have attempted, to introduce into the upon tea, which may yield, at the utmost, sixteen bosom of this happy country, outrage, tumults, thousand pounds sterling. Even this inconsidera- devastation, pillage, bloodshed, and open resist. ble impost, Great Britain, actuated by a meekness ance to the laws! A thousand times undone the and forbearance without example, would have re- English people, should they suffer themselves to pealed also, if the colonists had peaceably ex. be seduced by the flatteries of the Americans! pressed their wishes to this effect. At present, The sweet peace, the inestimable liberty, they they bitterly complain of the regular troops sent now enjoy, would soon be replaced by the most amongst them to maintain the public repose. But, ferocious anarchy, devouring their wealth, annihilatin the name of God, what is the cause of their ing their strength, contaminating and destroying presence in Boston? American disturbances. If all the happiness of their existence. Already have the colonists had not first interrupted the general the colonists trampled on all restraints; already tranquility, if they had respected property, pub- have they cast off all human respect; and, amidst lic and private; if they had not openly resisted the their subtle machinations, and the shades in which laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in they would not have seen armed soldiers within spite of themselves, their culpable designs to ap their walls. But the truth is, they expressly excite pear. If they have not yet acquired the consistence, the causes, in order to be able afterwards to bemoan they at least assume the forms, of an independent the effects. When they were menaced with real danger, when they were beset by enemies from within and from without, they not only consented to admit regular troops into the very heart of their provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest with a language and a tone better beseeming the solicitations, to send them; but now the danger is haughty courts of Versailles or of Madrid, than the past, and the colonists, by our treasure and blood, subjects of a great king, they ordain imperiously are restored to their original security; now these the cessation of all commerce between their countroops have become necessary to repress the factious, try and our own? We may transport our merto sustain the action of the laws, their presence is chandise and our commodities among all other contrary to the constitution, a manifest violation of nations. It is only under the inhospitable skies American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny; of America, only in this country, dyed with the as if it were not the right and the obligation of the supreme authority, to protect the peace of the interior as well as that of the exterior, and to repress internal as effectually as external enemies. nation. "Who among us has not felt emotions kindling deep in his breast, or transports of indignation, at the reading of the decrees of congress, in which, blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for the safety and prosperity of its inhabitants, that English industry cannot hope for protection, cannot find an asylum! Are we then of a spirit to endure that our subjects trace around us the "This is what I think of our present situation; circle of Popilius, and proudly declare on what these are the sentiments of a man neither partial, conditions they will deign to obey the ancient or vehement, but free from all prepossessions, laws of the common country? But all succeeds to and ready to combat and shed the last drop of his their wish: they hope, from our magnanimity, that blood, to put down the excesses of license, to war will result, and from war, independence. And extirpate the germes of cruel anarchy, to defend what a people is this, whom benefits cannot oblige, the rights and the privileges of this most innocent whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity of defence, created by themselves, offends! people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage deserts of America, or in the cultivated plains of England. Eulogium on Warren. From Botta's history of the American war,—pub lished, he says, "in the Philadelphia papers," but we know not when, or where, or by whom, it was delivered, which we should have been glad to have ascertained. "What spectacle more noble," than this, of a hero who has given bis life for the safety of country! Approach, cruel ministers, and contemplate the fruits of your sanguinary edicts. What reparation can you offer to his children for the loss of such a father, to the king for that of so good a subject, to the country for that of so devoted a citizen? Send hither your satellites; come, feast "If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the pro"And if there are Catalines among us, who plot jects of these ungrateful colonists; if an universal resistance to the civil government, and to the laws in darkness pernicious schemes against the state, of the country; if the interruption of a free and let them be unveiled and dragged to light, that reciprocal commerce between one part and ano- they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the ther of the realm; if resisting every act of the Bri-just vengeance of this courteous country; that their tish legislature, and absolutely, in word and deed, names may be stamped with infamy to the latest denying the sovereignty of this country; if laying a posterity, and their memory held in execration, by strong hand on the revenues of America; if seizing all men of worth, in every future age!” his majesty's forts, artillery, and ammunition; if exciting and stimulating, by every means, the whole subjects of America to take arms, and to resist the constitutional authority of Great Bri tain, are acts of treason, then are the Americans in a state of the most flagrant rebellion. Wherefore, then, should we delay to take resolute measures? If no other alternative is left us, if it is necessary to use the power which we enjoy, under Heaven, for the protection of the whole empire, let us show the Americans, that, as our ancestors deluged this country with their blood, to leave us a free constitution, we, like men, in defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad, are determined, in glorious emulation of their example, to transmit it, perfect and unimpaired, to our posterity. I hear it said by these propagators of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished in this contest. But all human enterprizes are never without a something of uncertainty. Are high-minded men for this to stand listless, and indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the conduct of their affairs? If this dastardly doctrine prevailed, if none would ever act without assurance of the event, assuredly no generous enter. prize would ever be attempted; chance, and blind destiny, would govern the world. I trust, however, in the present crisis, we may cherish better hopes: for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers "Approach, senators of America! Come, and and the ability of our generals, loyal subjects are deliberate here, upon the interests of the united not so rare in America as some believe, or affect colonies. Listen to the voice of this illustrious to believe. And, besides, will the Americans long citizen: he intreats, he exhorts, he implores you support the privation of all the things necessary to not to disturb his present felicity with the doubt, life, which our numerous navy will prevent from that he, perhaps, has sacrificed his life for a people reaching their shores? of slaves: your vindictive rage: the most implacable enemy to tyrants is no more. We conjure you respect these his honored remains. Have compassion on the fate of a mother overwhelmed with despair and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you can still fear. His eloquence is mute; his arms are fallen from his hand: then lay down yours: what more have you to perpetrate, barbarians that you are? But, while the name of American liberty shall live, that of Warren will fire our breasts, and animate our arms, against the pest of standing armies. |