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* This political unity doth not well accord with the nature and genius of the evangelical dispensation. Our Saviour affirmed that his • kingdom is not of this world,' and St. Paul telleth us, that it consisteth in spiritual influence upon the souls of men, producing in them virtue, spiritual joy, and peace. It disavoweth and discountenanceth “the elements of the world,' by which worldly designs are carried on, and worldly frames sustained. It requireth not to be managed by politic artifices or · fleshly wisdom,' but by simplicity, sincerity, plain dealing; as every subject of it must lay aside all guile,' and dissimulation,
so especially the officers of it must do so, in conformity to the apostles, who had their conversation in the world, and prosecuted their design in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God; not walking in craftiness, nor handling the word of God deceitfully,' &c. It needeth not to be supported or enlarged by wealth and pomp, or by compulsive force and violence, for • God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise ; and the weak things of the world to confound the mighty; base despicable things, &c., that no flesh should glory in his presence;' and 'the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God, &c. It discountenanceth the imposition of new laws and precepts, besides those which God hath enjoined, or which are necessary for order and edification ; derogating from the liberty of Christians, and from the simplicity of our religion. The government of the Christian state is represented purely spiritual, administered by meek persuasion, not by imperious awe; as an humble ministry, not as stately domination; for the apostles themselves did not lord it over men's faith, but did co-operate to their joy; they did not preach ’ themselves, but · Christ Jesus to be the Lord,' and themselves their servants for Jesus.' It is expressly forbidden to them to domineer over God's people. They are to be qualified with gentleness and patience ; they are forbidden to strive,' and enjoined to be gentle towards all, apt to teach, patient, in meekness instructing those
that oppose themselves. They are to convince, to rebuke,' to 'exhort with all long suffering and doctrine. They are furnished with no arms beside the divine panoply; they bear no 'sword' but that of the Spirit,' which is the word of God; they may tench, reprove, they cannot compel. They are not to be entangled in the cares of this life.'
* The Christian church is averse from pomp, doth reject domination, doth not require craft, wealth, or force, to maintain it ; but did at first, and may subsist without such means.'
Having thus endeavoured to show that Independency is grounded on Scripture alone,” Mr. Hanbury proposes to pursue
the project of giving some account of its advancement in our own country.'
In the thirty-three chapters of the present volume, we have the denominational history of the congregational body, brought down to the grand crisis of persecution and resistance, in the midst of the reign of King Charles I. The rise and progress of that body-what their founders and confessors thought-how they acted—their political, moral, and religious doctrines and practices--their sufferings and trials—their heroic firmnesstheir imperfections, and schisms, and quarrels,—whilst working out their own redemption from spiritual bondage, and preparing the nation to work out, under divine providence, its redemption from political slavery, are set forth and pourtrayed with all that abundance of historical and documentary illustration, which we have spoken of as the invaluable results of Mr. Hanbury's diligence and research. We verily believe that whatever could be collected from print or manuscript, has been produced. Nothing germane to the matter' has been neglected, that could be brought to bear upon the task in hand from any quarter, whether from the mustiest folio, or the obscurest pamphlet; or to be obtained by ransacking offices, libraries, stalls, and museums, and by exercising great ingenuity and scrupulosity in abstracting, weighing, testing, and collecting his materials, appears to have been omitted, or seems to have escaped the notice, or eluded the sagacity of our indefatigable compiler. To a person who denies, or is indifferent to, the rights of conscience, or, in other words, refuses to take his stand on the vantage-ground of scripture and right reason, the volume, with its mass of texts, authorities, quotations, and references, will not only be uninteresting, but absolutely unintelligible--a mere chaos of crotchets, meaningless, sapless, worthless. But to him whose heart beats time with the aspirations of earth’s best emancipator, who has caught one spark of the living fire that warmed the breasts of the church's best reformers—to the man who fears God, and who fearing God, has learned to regard his fellow man, not as a being whose soul the devil is at liberty to imbrute, and whose body the tyrants of this world are at liberty to mangle, torment, and destroy,—but as a being who is the foremost favorite of heaven, whom God has made to reflect his image, adore his power, hymn his mercy, and dwell for ever in his beatific presence—to such a one, so sympathising, and so loving, these acts and monuments of no mean struggle, will be as a page out of the great book of providence ; and the memorials will be read in the light that springs up in the bosom of faith and charity, when tracing the dealings of that inscrutable providence with the militant church, and pondering
The ways of God to man. He alone will study this interesting volume with profit, who entertains adequate conceptions of the dignity of his species—who cherishes the most ardent love for his fallen race-who trembles at the bare idea of attempting to subject that mighty emanation from God, another's conscience, to his own-and who would rather suffer death himself than inflict it on another, on account of his obedience to the dictates of that conscience. In the estimation of such a reader, the work will soon spread out itself, in its entirety, before him, as a harmonious whole. For such, and for such only, indeed, is the book written. It is worse than useless to attempt to interest any other class of readers.
We know not what impression this book will make on the public mind generally, but we know what impression it ought to make on the Protestant mind of this country. Its bearing on the interests of religious liberty is direct; and what higher interests can there be? The church of England does not affect to be any longer the bulwark of Protestantism, and the defence of the great principles of the reformed faith, is now devolved upon the very sects, which her corruptions have raised up. The delusion of centuries as to the real character of the prelatical church is fast passing away. She now avows herself to be a genuine daughter of Rome. The separatists from her communion may have long so regarded her; but she now confesses her birth, parentage, and education; and as the legitimate offspring of the papal monster, makes loving and filial overtures to her mother. At the present crisis, therefore, we cannot too strongly recommend the diligent perusal of such a truly Protestant work as Mr. Hanbury's; and we heartily bid him God speed’ in his arduous undertaking.
Art, VIII. A Treatise on the Industry of Nations; or the Principles
of National Economy and Taxation. By J. S. EISDELL, Esq., in two volumes. London: Whittaker and Co. 1839. 8vo. pp. 613.
THERE is a stage through which almost all mankind have to
pass in their progress towards civilization, remarkable for the prevalence of sound over sense, --of rhetoric over reason. For a time, words actually bear a higher value than things : and some orator, favoured by circumstances, or gifted with an imperial imagination, becomes the real magician of his day. Men marvel at the wonders of his mouth, or his pen; and let him but deliver his soul of one or more sentences sufficiently rhythmical for the occasion, even falsehood itself shall assume the wings of truth to fly abroad from one end of the land to the other, and delude a shallow generation. Thus it was, that in the Reflections on the French Revolution, the fears and weaknesses of a great genius acquired a wider diffusion than the undeniable wisdom, which in happier moments, Mr. Burke had uttered or published. People received amidst a tempest of applause such fallacious assertions, as that the age of chivalry was gone; that of sophistry, ECONO“Mists, and calculators had succeeded; whilst the glory of Europe was (thereby) extinguished for ever! The facts of the case
escaped notice altogether, that the economists were about to restore a better age than that of chivalry; that sophistry was about to be exposed and put to flight by the calculators; and that the true glory of Europe was only just about to burst upon the world. Political economists owe a debt of gratitude to Folly for having turned upon them the finger of scorn, in exactly that degree, which excites attention and inquiry. We are reminded of the exclamation of the fox in the Greek fable: Ω οια κεφαλη και sykepalov ouk Exk!! Years however have rolled away, and are fast wearing out the masque, with which hypocrisy endeavours to hide those semina rerum, which the favoured few find it inconvenient that the subjected many should know. Not merely is the schoolmaster abroad; but the lessons of political economy are to be learned in numberless Mechanic's Institutes, and many very valuable publications.
Amongst the last we are happy to number that treatise which now lies before us on the Industry of Nations. Mr. Eisdell plainly tells us that his object is to be useful rather than brilliant. He has availed himself, with much diligence and ability, of the labours of his precursors, from Adam Smith, who was the Sir Isaac Newton of his science, down to Professor Longfield, Colonel Torrens, Lord Lauderdale, Doctor Hamilton, and Mr. Mc Culloch. He craves from the reader that indulgence to 'which a sincere inquirer after truth is entitled, and which such a
one never fails to receive at the hands of those who can appreciate her excellence, and admire her, though presented in a • homely garb. He presents Political Economy, in his pages, under a somewhat different aspect to that in which it has been hitherto viewed; and for that reason he has prefixed the peculiar title to his book. Its subjects are the labour, land, and stock possessed by the individual members of a community; as well as the various phenomena which human industry, in a state of society, developes. Its subdivisions are production, distribution, consumption, and taxation. We propose giving a brief outline of his views under each of these heads.
With regard to the first, the poverty of technical phraseology is such, that there is included within it, not only those things which are produced, but those also which are acquired. Hunting, fishing, mining, and the manipulations by which raw materials are wrought into finished goods, we cannot very well help de. scribing as productive operations; to which must be added the almost countless departments of all wholesale and retail business. In fact labour is the great support of man,—the main wheel of the vast machine which is rolling forward society from age to age, and manifesting both the judgment and mercy of God: his judgment in marking down the curse of sin; his mercy in extracting good from the consequences of original transgression. We do
not agree with our author, that the denunciation · By the sweat
of thy brow shalt thou eat bread,' means something opposite to what the account in Genesis declares it to have been; but we quite accord with him in the idea, that the Almighty has superinduced upon what was at first penal, a law of benevolence. “The necessity,' he justly observes, ‘for exertion, though it falls
on the human race in a more onerous manner than on most other animated beings, is yet tempered with goodness, and • freighted with richer blessings. This necessity has impelled man to cultivate and improve his powers, whereby he not merely subsists in a stationary condition, but has attained to a supremacy over creation, and has risen higher in intellect than in station ; enlarging his abundance, securing his health, and 'administering to his enjoyments. It is not only the preceptor
of the intellect, but the guardian of the morals of the human race. It is not pretended, indeed, that labour can crea thing: but human agency, combining with the operations of nature, produces new forms of matter, suited to the necessities and desires of our species; and it is of course in this sense alone, that production must be understood in political economy: The employment of the several instruments of production,-labour in conjunction with capital, or with capital and land, is expressed by the term industry: and the circumstances which conduce to the effectiveness of industry, and the progress of opulence, are of two classes ; those which are beyond our control, and those lying within it. Amongst the former, are fertility of soil, excellence of climate, certain natural productions, advantages of situation, or facilities of intercourse. Amongst the latter are knowledge, skill, excitements to industry, division of labour, freedom of trade, demand for commodities, roads, posts, canals, distribution of property, density of population, and amount of capital. In addition to these, political and moral causes should never be forgotten. Private probity tends to public opulence, as on the other hand general profligacy leads to national poverty. In touching upon such matters, Mr. Eisdell has filled his first volume, replete as it is with sound sense, conveyed in plain and perspicuous, if not always in the most attractive language.
On the mode in which science and skill have operated upon industry, he mentions amongst other striking illustrations, the manufacture of cloth. Yarn was spun by the distaff in ancient days, as it is still along some parts of the banks of the Danube, no doubt to the immense consolation of all anti-reformers in their neighbourhood. This primitive instrument in England gave way, ages ago, to the one thread spinning-wheel, which doubled the results of toil, and added to the picturesque of poetry. Under George the Third, Hargreaves and Arkwright brought forward in quick succession the water-frame and the spinning-jenny.