the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, sooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I the pure and benign light of revelation, have had could have no sinister views in delivering, with a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased so little reserve, the opinion contained in this ad. dress. the blessings of society. At this auspicious period, the United States came into existence as a "There are four things which, I humbly connation; and if their citizens should not be com-ceive, are essential to the well being, I may even pletely free and happy, the fault will be entirely venture to say, to the existence of the United States, as an independent power. their own. "1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. "2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. "зdly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And, "4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friend States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prospe rity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. "Such is our situation, and such are our pros pects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the time of their political proba. ly disposition among the people of the United tion: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them: this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever: this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or, this may be the illfated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, "These are the pillars on which the glorious faannihilating the cement of the confederation, and bric of our independency and national character exposing us to become the sport of European po- must be supported. Liberty is the basis-and litics, which may play one state against another, to whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overprevent their growing importance, and to serve turn the structure, under whatever specious pretheir own interested purposes. For, according to text he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest the system of policy the states shall adopt at this execration, and the severest punishment, which can moment, they will stand or fall; and, by their con- be inflicted by his injured country. firmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. "With this conviction of the importance of the "Under the first head, although it may not be present crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I necessary or proper for me in this place to enter will therefore speak to your excellency the lan-into a particular disquisition of the principles of guage of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. the union, and to take up the great question which I am aware, however, those who differ from me in has been frequently agitated, whether it be expepolitical sentiments may, perhaps, remark, I am dient and requisite for the states to delegate a stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and larger proportion of power to congress, or not; yet they may probably ascribe to arrogance or ostenta- it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true tion, what I know is alone the result of the purest patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist upintention. But the rectitude of my own heart, on the following positions:-That, unless the states which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives have hitherto acted in life; the determination I they are undoubtedly invested with by the conhave formed of not taking any share in public bu-stitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to siness hereafter, the ardent desire I feel, and shall anarchy and confusion: That it is indispensable continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private to the happiness of the individual states, that there life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power and liberal government, will, I flatter myself, to regulate and govern the general concerns of the ensue: "The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is confederated republic, without which the union] tem referred to, being the result of the collected cannot be of long duration: That there must be wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of not perfect, certainly the least objectionable, of every state with the late proposals and demands any that could be devised; and that, if it should of congress, or the most fatal consequences will not be carried into immediate execution, a naThat whatever measures have a tendency tional bankruptcy, with all its deplorable conseto dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or quences, will take place before any different plan lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be con can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing sidered as hostile to the liberty and independence are the present circumstances, and such is the of America, and the authors of them treated ac-alternative now offered to the states. cordingly. And, lastly, that, unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the states to partici pate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter mygovernment so free and uncorrupted, so happily self, will not be wanting. The path of our duty guarded against the danger of oppression, as has is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every been devised and adopted by the articles of con experiment, to be the best and only true policy. federation, it will be a subject of regret, that so Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the much blood and treasure have been lavished for public contracts which congress had undoubtedly no purpose; that so many sufferings bave been a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the encountered without a compensation, and that so war, with the same good faith we suppose our many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many selves bound to perform our private engageother considerations might here be adduced to ments. In the mean time, let an attention to the prove, that, without an entire conformity to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an inde- individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly pendent power. It will be sufficient for my pur, inculcated on the citizens of America; then will pose to mention but one or two, which seem to they strengthen the bands of government, and be me of the greatest importance. It is only in our happy under its protection. Every one will resp united character as an empire, that our indepen- the fruit of his labors: every one will enjoy his dence is acknowledged, that our power can be own acquisitions, without molestation and without regarded, or our credit supported among foreign danger. nations. The treaties of the European powers "In this state of absolute freedom and perfect with the United States of America, will have no security, who will grudge to yield a very little of validity on a dissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, society, and ensure the protection of government? his property to support the common interests of by our own unhappy experience, that there is a Who does not remember the frequent declaranatural and necessary progression from the ex-tions at the commencement of the war-that we treme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and should be completely satisfied if, at the expense that arbitrary power is most easily established on of one half, we could defend the remainder of our the ruins of liberty, abused to licentiousness. possessions? Where is the man to be found, who "As to the second article, which respects the wishes to remain in debt, for the defence of his performance of public justice, congress have, in own person and property, to the exertions, the their late address to the United States, almost bravery, and the blood of others, without making exhausted the subject; they have explained their one generous effort to pay the debt of honor and ideas so fully, and bave enforced the obligations of gratitude? In what part of the continent shall the states are under to render complete justice to we find any man, or body of men, who would not all the public creditors, with so much dignity and blush to stand up and propose measures purposely energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and honor and independency of America can hesitate the public creditor of his due? And were it a single moment respecting the propriety of com- possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice plying with the just and honorable measures pro- could ever happen, would it not excite the geneposed. If their arguments do not produce con- ral indignation, and tend to bring down upon viction, I know of nothing that will have greater the authors of such measures the aggravated Influence, especially when we reflect that the sys. vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverse of their hire, I may be allowed to say, it was the ness should manifest itself in any of the states; if price of their blood, and of your independency. It such an ungracious disposition should attempt to is therefore more than a common debt; it is a frustrate all the happy effects that might be ex-debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pected to flow from the union; if there should be pension, or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly a refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharged. discharge the annual interest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed, congress, who have in all their transac tions shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man! and that state alone, which puts itself "With regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the con-have, perhaps, generally, had as ample conpensatinent, and follows such mistaker, and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the conse quences. "For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a servant of the public, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice, and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half pay and commutation granted by congress, to the officers of the army. From these communications my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to observe, that the resolutions of congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. "As to the idea which, I am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it out to be exploded forever; that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services then to be performed. It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. It was a part tion for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides the donation of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages, (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same footing,) we take into the estimate the bounties many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation, (every circumstance being duly considered,) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers.Should a farther reward, however, be judged equit. able, I will venture to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. But neither the adoption or rejection of this proposi tion will, in any manner, affect, much less militate against, the act of congress, by which they have offered five years' full-pay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army. "Before I conclude the subject on public justice,, I cannot omit to mention the obligations this country is under to that meritorious class of veterans, the non-cominissioned officers and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of congress, of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits and claims to that provision, need only to be known, to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance, can rescue them from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the ser- forth; that the distresses and disappointments vice of their country, without a shelter, without which have very often occurred, have, in too many a friend, and without the means of obtaining any instances, resulted more from a want of energy in of the comforts or necessaries of life, compelled the continental government, than a deficiency of to beg their bread daily from door to door. Suffer means in the particular states; that the inefficacy me to recommend those of this description, belong. of the measures, arising from the want of an ing to your state, to the warmest patronage of your excellency and your legislature. "It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the republic-as there can be little doubt but congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the union upon a regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms. "The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform; and that the same species of arms, ac coutrements, and military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of congress, in some of the states, and from a failure of the zeal of those who were more willing to exert punctuality in others, while they tended to damp themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than that which I have had the honor to command. But while I mention those things which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it may be understood, that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support I have derived from every class of citizens, so I shall always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual states, on many interesting occasions. life. "I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known, before I surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished; I now bid adieu to "If, in treating of political points, a greater your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your latitude than usual has been taken in the course state; at the same time I bid a last farewell to the of the address, the importance of the crisis, and cares of office, and all the employments of public the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations "It remains, then, to be my final and only reshould claim any regard, except so far as they quest, that your excellency will communicate these shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, sentiments to your legislature, at their next meetconsonant to the immutable rules of justice; cal. ing; and that they may be considered as the legacy culated to produce a liberal system of policy, and of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, founded on whatever experience may have been to be useful to his country, and who, even in the acquired, by a long and close attention to public shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the business. Here I might speak with more confidence, Divine benediction upon it. from my actual observations; and if it would not "I now make it my earnest prayer, that God swell this letter, (already too prolix,) beyond the would have you, and the state over which you bounds I had prescribed myself, I could demon- preside, in his holy protection; that he would strate to every mind open to conviction, that, in incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a less time, and with much less expense than has spirit of subordination and obedience to governbeen incurred, the war might have been brought ment; to entertain a brotherly affection and love to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the the continent could have been properly called United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and, finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a bappy nation. "I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant," "GEO. WASHINGTON." General Washington to the president of congress on resigning his commission-1783. mending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping. "Having now finished the work assigned me, retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employ. ments of public life." President Washington's speech to the first congress, Fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no than that, of which the notification was transmitted event could have filled me with greater anxieties by your order, and received on the 4th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned with veneration and love, from a retreat which I by my country, whose voice I can never hear but had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision "Mr. President―The great events on which my resignation depended, baving at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "Happy in the confirmation of our independence as the asylum of my declining years; a retreat and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respecta ble nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appoint. ment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven. which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time: on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken, in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into bis qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one, who, inherit"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my ed in the duties of civil administration, ought to ing inferior er dowments from nature, and unpractis gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiences. In the assistance I have received from my country- this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that men, increases with every review of the momentous it has been my faithful study to collect my duty contest. from a just appreciation of every circumstance by "While I repeat my obligations to the army in which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, general, I should do injustice to my own feelings, that if, in executing this task, I have been too much not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar swayed by a grateful remembrance of former services and distinguished merits of the persons instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this who have been attached to my person during the transcendant proof of the coufidence of my fellowwar. It was impossible the choice of confidential citizens, and have thence too little consulted my officers to compose my family could have been incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in and untried cares before me, my error will be particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress. palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated. "I consider it as an indispensable duty to close Such being the impressions under which I have, this last solemn act of my official life, by com-lin obedience to the public summons, repaired to |