RT. XIV. Hiftory of Great Britain. By William Belfham. Vol. XI. and XII. London, 1805. 8vo. HAVING in a former article given fome account of the two preceding volumes of this work, we are in a manner called pon to fay fomething of the concluding part, which is now offered o the public. In that article we took the liberty to exprefs an pinion, which we have as yet feen no reafon to alter, that Mr Selfham's mode of writing is altogether incompatible with the chaacter of history. In an advertisement to the volumes before us, he rofeffes indeed that he is not indifferent to the cenfure which he free avowal of his fentiments has incurred;' but he does not eem at all disposed to admit the juftness of the cenfure; and accordingly, he can only prevail upon himself to plead guilty to a ew expreffions bordering upon anger and afperity.' It is pleafant to hear an author talk in this manner, who has fo frequently indulged himself in the moft outrageous fcurrility, and contami nated the page of hiftory with the intemperate fallies of political animofity. Mr Belfham however contends, that it is the duty of the hiftorian to exercife the right of free judgment, regarding the principles and tendencies of different and oppofite fyftems of action. This is no doubt true: but does he really imagine that this pretext will juftify, in the eyes of any candid reader, the fierce diatribes, the party fpirit, and factious clamour with which his volumes abound? The right of the hiftorian to fit in judgement upon men and fyftems is no longer called in queftion: but it is this judicial character with which he is invefted, that impofes the duty of cautious inquiry, and dignified and impartial decision. It is the difficulty of preferving this indifpenfable candour and temperance of judgment indeed, ftill more than the want of fufficient information, that difqualifies most writers from delivering to pofterity the history of their own contemporaries, and has ufually devolved upon men of a fucceeding generation the talk of recording for their children the tranfactions of their immediate predeceffors. The hiftorian of his own times will always be fufpected of partiality; and moft probably will deferve to be fufpected. But a writer like Mr Belfham does not maintain even the appearance of fairness. It is not the teftimony of a partial witnefs, but the pleading of a zealous advocate; and the other Dd 3 party Vol. II. p. 177, &c. Under the title of Memoirs of George the III., Vols. V. & VI.,' Mr Beltham continues his narrative in the prefent volumes; but, having now completed his work from the Revolution, he gives to the whole collection the title of Hiftory of Great Britain, of which the volumes before us ftand XI. and XII, party must be heard at equal length, before any judgment can be fafely formed upon his flatement. The volumes before us are compofed on the fame system with thofe that have preceded them. A procès-verbal of speeches, state papers, and gazettes, eked out with comments and digreffions, make up the fum of this foi-difant history. The eleventh volume opens with the Seffion of Parliament commencing in November 1798; and the author, according to cuftom, prefents, in due form, the King's fpeech, with a detail of the debate on the motion of addrefs. We afterwards meet with the difcuffions upon the act impofing a duty upon income; and this celebrated, and it may be impolitic, meafure of finance, the author ftigmatizes in the most acrimonious terms; but without once conde. fcending to reafon upon the subject. 6 Notwithstanding thefe vain and ill-timed boafts,' fays he, fpeaking of the Minifter's fpeech upon that occafion, the nation at large faw and felt that a more arbitrary and oppreffive impoft was never devifed nor attempted by the moft rapacious tyranny in any age or country. ' P. 19. Mr Belham next paffes to a very important object of parliamentary deliberation, we mean the propofal which was then brought forward, of an incorporative union between the filter legiflatures of Great Britain and Ireland. Our author is favourable to this great meafure; which was approved, he fays, by all think ing men in England; because they faw in its accomplishment the only means of neutralizing thofe partial interefts, which had too long poffeffed an exclufive fway in that distracted country. In Ireland, again, the project of union, if not ardently embraced, was at least favourably received, by the mafs of the people confifting of the Catholics. Indeed, it was impoffible that they should be much afflicted by the projected annihilation of a local legiflature, in which they had no fhare, and whofe tender mercies had often been cruel. But the majority even of the Protef tant landed proprietors were allo, according to our author, favourable to the Union; becaufe they were not without fear, that an independent republican government might otherwife be eftablifhed under the aufpices of France. Without the concurrence, indeed, of the majority of thefe claffes, the propofal of an incorporative union would have been rafh and impolitic; and governinent, as our author obferves, would have vainly exerted its influence to bring it about. But while we agree with Mr Belfham upon this interefling fubject, we cannot approve of the manner in which he has treated it as a matter of hiftorical information. Instead of giving a connected and comprehenfive view of the aufes which rendered this meafure a matter of political neceffity, and and of the oppofite interefts by which it was either forwarded or From the difcuffion of the projected union with Ireland, Mr Belfham digreffes to the affairs of the Continent; expatiating at great length upon the military operations of the contending ar mies, and the revolutionary broils of the kingdom of Naples. The narrative of the military operations is exceedingly defultory; and confequently the impreflion which it produces is feeble and Endiftinct. The events which took place in the Neapolitan territory, after the French armies had been driven from Italy by the victorious Suvaroff, are narrated with confiderable fpirit; but in a manner which betrays the author's decided predilection for the revolutionists, and his deteftation of all by whom the interefts of the Royal party were efpoufed. His narrative is faithfully taken from the Sketches' of the excellent Helen Maria Williams; of course, he becomes quite impaffioned, and by far too noify, for the propriety of hiftory. That the Neapolitans were incapable of enjoying a free government, he is however obliged to admit : it follows, therefore, that the project of a republican conftitution was as abfurd as it was wicked; and that the only remedy against greater evils, was the reeftablishment of the government which bad been unwarrantably pulled down. But although we are not difpofed to weep with Mr Belfham over the proftrate democracy of Naples, we are not therefore inclined either to justify or palliate the exceffes of those by whom it was overthrown. It muft, however, be recollected, that the Royal government, in a juftificatory memorial which it afterwards published, ftrongly difavows the charge of profcription; but our author neither adverts to this or any other document, having gone no farther, apparently, in fearch of authorities, than to the faid Sketches of Mifs Williams. From thefe excurfive details our hiftorian then returns to objects more immediately connected with British annals; but it is only for a little while that he ftops to fhed the lights of history upon our dark and difordered political fyftem; for he foon starts away to expatiate upon topics which feem to have greater charms for him. Meantime, he adverts to the expedition to Holland in 1799; the account of which is done up from the difaffected newfpapers of that time, in Mr Beltham's own happy manner. It feems, indeed, not to be fo much the intention of our hiftorian to give a juft account of the objects of that expedition, and the real caufes of its failure, as to fneer at the military talents, and ridicule the dispatches of the British commander in chief. The furrender, about this period, of the valuable colony of Su D44 rinam rinam to the British arms, draws forth the following very claffical paffage; in which we have no doubt that the author is fatisfied he has proved, in a ftriking manner, the grofs folly of such conquests. Another poffeffion was thus added to those Atlantean conquells, which have fo invariably proved the bane of the victors, and where peftilence fufpends perpetually, and by a fingle hair, over the votaries of avarice and fenfuality, the fatal fword of death!' p. 179. vol. Xl. The following paragraph forms a moft appropriate introduction to the encomiaftic narrative which fucceeds. All France felt the full force of her paft and prefent evils, and the imperious neceffity of establishing a better order of things. She required a government capable of repairing the ruins of the political edi fice; or rather of reconstructing it on more folid and durable founda tions. But by what miraculous interpofition was this to be accomplished? By what fuperhuman means was confidence to be reftored, was courage to be reanimated, was civil difcord to be healed, and authori ty, now every where fpurned at, to be invigorated and confirmed? To folve thefe interefting queftions, it is now become neceffary to revert to the hiftory of that celebrated commander, who, in the fpirit of romantic enterprife, had, in the beginning of the preceding year, bid adieu to his country, in fearch of new adventures, and in the hope of acquiring fresh and, if poffible, more verdant laurels on the oppofite Eide of the globe. p. 190. Our eulogift accordingly proceeds to take a view of Bonaparte's concluding adventures in Egypt. The refult of the memorable hege of Acre puts him in fome anxiety about the military reputa tion of his hero. He is obliged to admit, that Bonaparte was completely foiled by a very trifling force; and that he needlessly Tacrificed his foldiers after every rational profpect of fuccefs had vanished; but thefe untoward facts make nothing against him in the opinion of the indulgent Mr Belfham. The following pal fage muft amufe our readers; it alludes to that obdurate gentleman, Sir Sydney Smith, who perfifted in keeping Acre from this miraculous man. A Chriflian knight, combating not against, but in aid of the Turkifh mifcreants, was a ftrange phenomenon in Paleftine; and it must be owned, that the renowned Coeur de Lion would never have recognised him in that character!' p. 198. Our hiftorian clofely follows Bonaparte from Egypt to Paris; recording, as he proceeds, the fhouts of Vive Bonaparte, Vive la Republique, with exemplary fidelity. The general, however, had refolved that the republic fhould not live very long he accordingly took his measures like a great commander; and having difpof effed the Conftituted Authorities in a very mafterly ftyle, he forthwith arrayed himfelf in the Confular infignia. All this was rendered rendered indifpenfably neceffary by the imperious neceflity of establishing a better order of things. Mr Beltham, with becom ing minutenefs, details the code of this new conftitution, unquestionably entitled to be ranked among the few free forms of government fubfifting in the world' (p. 237.); and he describes the bleffings attending the exercife of the Confular power with his ufual force and brilliancy of colouring. In the interior,' fays he, Bonaparte made every effort to pacify and unite the different factions; establishing freedom of general wor fhip; infufing confidence into every breast, haraffed by the ftorms of -the revolution, and panting for the bleffings of repofe. Regularity fucceeded to trouble and diforder; the feveral branches of the military. eftablishment were reorganized; the civil adminiftration experienced great and effential ameliorations; and the tribunals of juftice regained their activity. The lift of emigrants, till this period kept open in order to be occafionally exercifed as a rod of terror and of vengeance, was finally clofed; and the fun of profperity began once more to shed its benign rays on a defolated and distracted country.' p. 225. The remaining part of the eleventh volume is chiefly occupied with the proceedings of Parliament upon the overture of peace, contained in Bonaparte's celebrated letter to the King. Mr Belfham is under infinite obligations to the journals upon fuch emergencies: they uniformly contribute to fwell his book in a direct ratio to the length of the debate. Great ufe is therefore made of the fpeeches upon this occafion; the hiftorian contenting himself with a paffing fneer at minifterial influence, and the furious faction of the Burkites.' After the copious extracts from the reply of Mr Fox to the fpeech of the Minifter, it would, indeed, have been great prefumption in Mr Beltham to have attempted to expose the impolicy of rejecting that overture. That reply has always appeared to us one of the greatest efforts of this diftinguifhed ftatefman; it has all the characteristics of the highest kind of eloquence; and it rifes in excellence, even when compared with the deeply meditated and highly finished oration which called it forth. It would be going beyond the bounds of our province to enter into the queftion debated in these speeches. The twelfth and concluding volume of this hiftory opens with the correfpondence between Lord Grenville and M. Otto, relative to the naval armistice proposed by the First Conful, as the preliminary to a joint negotiation with Auftria and Great Britain. Mr Belfham does not affirm, that the armiftice ought to have been acceded to upon the terms exacted by France; but he difcovers, with his accustomed fagacity, that the negotiation was conducted by Lord Grenville in a very stupid and unftatef man-like manner; and accordingly, he treats the perversity and |
