i

a thing without example, that the British govern glorious a destiny. There are some who seem to ment will forget past offences and perform its dread the effects of this resolution. But will Engpromises; can we imagine, that, after so long dis- land, or can she, manifest against us greater visentions, after so many outrages, so many com- gour and rage than she has already displayed? She bats, and so much bloodshed, our reconciliation deems resistance against oppression no less rebelcould be durable, and that every day, in the midst liou than independence itself. And where are those of so much hatred and rancour, would not afford formidable troops that are to subdue the Americans? some fresh subject of animosity? The two nations What the English could not do, can it be done by Gerare already seperated in interest and affections; the mans? Are they more brave or better disciplined? one is conscious of its ancient strengh, the other The number of our enemies is increased; but our has become acquainted with its newly exerted own is not diminished, and the battles we have susforce; the one desires to rule in an arbitary manner, tained have given us the pratice of arms and the exthe other will not obey even if allowed its privil-perience of war. Who doubts then that a declaration eges. In such a state of things, what peace, what of independence will procure us allies? All nations concord, can be expected. The Americans may are desirous of procuring, by commerce, the probecome faithful friends to the English, but subjects, duction of our exuberant soil; they will visit our never. And even though union could be restored ports hitherto closed by the monopoly of insatiawithour rancou, it could not without danger.-ble England. They are no less eager to contemThe wealth and power of Great Britain should in- plate the reduction of her hated power; they all spire prudent men with fears for the future. Hav- loathe her barbarous dominion; their succours will ing reached such a height of grandeur that she has evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they no longer any thing to dread from foreign powers, bear them for having been the first to shake the founin the security of peace the spirit of her people dation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait only will decay, manners will be corrupted, her youth for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to will grow up in the midst of vice, and in this state throw off their present reserve. If this measure of degeneration, England will become the prey of a is useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. Ameforeign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we re- rica has arrived at a degree of power which assigns main united with her, we shall partake of her cor- her a place among independent nations; we are not ruptions and misfortunes, the more to be dreaded less entitled to it than the English themselves. If as they will be irreparable; seperated from her, on they have wealth, so also have we; if they are brave, the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to so are we; if they are more numerous, our populafear-the seductions of peace nor the dangers of tion, through the incredible fruitfulness of our war. By a declaration of our freedom, the perils chaste wives, will soon equal theirs, if they have would not be increased; but we should add to the men of renown as well in peace as in war, we likeardour of our defenders, and to the splendour of wise have such; political revolutions usually provictory. Let us then take a firm step and escape duce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what from this labyrinth; we have assumed the sovereign we have already achieved in these painful beginpower, and dare not confess it, we disobey a king, nings, it is easy to presume what we shall hear. and acknowledge ourselves his subjects; wage war after accomplish, for experience is the source of sage against a people, on whom we incessantly protest counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men. our desire to depend. What is the consequence of Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexingso many inconsistencies? Hesitation paralyzes all ton by thirty thousand citizens armed and assem our measures; the way we ought to pursue is not bled in one day? Already their most celebrated marked out; our generals are neither respected nor generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of oursi obeyed; our soldiers have neither confidence nor already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, zeal; feeble at home, and little considered abroad, wander over the ocean, where they are the sport of foreign princes can neither esteem nor succour so tempest, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the timid and wavering a people. But independence favorable omen, and fight, not for the sake of knowonce proclaimed, and our object avowed, more man-ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of Engly and decided measures will be adopted, all minds | land, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to will be fired by the greatness of the enterprize, found a just and independent government. Animathe civil magistrates will be inspired with new zeal, ted by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumerathe generals with fresh ardour, and the citizens ble army of Persians; sustained by the love of inwith greater constancy, to attain so high and so dependence, the Swiss and the Dutch humbled the

power of Austria by memorable defeats, and con-fin which the debates and disputes upon the quesquered a rank among nations. But the sun of tion of independence were mariy and vehement. America also shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the cause of country.

John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the pro. vince to the general congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most zealous partizans of American liberty, restricted however to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is said, in the following manner against independence:

"Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate? Let this most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise, not to devas- "It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, tate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of heated by the spirit of party, give more importance peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of fixed upon us! she demands of us a living example objects, than either to reason or justice; thus evin. of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of cing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which excite them; not to repress the passions, but to indesolates her polluted shores. She invites us to flame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find so to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. lace, and the persecuted, repose. She intreats us They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous their own ambition, to flatter the caprices of the mulplant, which first sprung up and grew in England, titude, in order to captivate their favour. Accordbut is now withered by the poisonous blasts of ingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, shelter- and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, ing under its salubrious and interminable shade all perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, the unfortunate of the buman race. This is the to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. end presaged by so many omens, by our first vic- Upon this principle I invite the attention of those tories, by the present ardour and union, by the who hear me, since my opinion may differ from that fight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared amongst Dunmore's people, by the very winds by all impartial and moderate citizens, who con. which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and demn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we precipitation to the most serious and important of are not this day wanting in our duty to country, decisions. But, coming to the subject in controthe names of the American legislators will be pla-versy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon ob ́ced, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of jects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens."

which offer only uncertainty. Now, it is an established fact, that America can be well and happily governed by the English laws, under the same king and the same parliament. Two hundred years of Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubi. happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it ous signs of approbation were manifested on all also in the present prosperity, which is the result of parts. But the deputies of Pennsylvania and Mary- these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is land not being present, and the congress desirous, not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic, by some delay, to evidence the maturity of their debut as monarchy, that we have arrived at this deliberations, adjourned the futher consideration of gree of power and of greatness.

the subject to the first of July. Meanwhile the "What then is the object of these chimeras, hatchpatriots babored strenuously to induce the two dis-ed in the days of discord and of war? Shall the senting provinces also to decide for independence. transports of fury have more power over us than the They employed the most earnest persuasions, to experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in an mowhich they added also threats, intimating that not ment of anger, the work cemented and tested by only would the other colonies exclude them from time?

the confederation, but that they would immediately "I know the name of liberty is dear to each one treat them as enemies. The provincial assembly of of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even under Pennsylvania remained inflexible. At length, the the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention, that to go and seek it in I know not what form of

republic, which will soon change into a licentious moment when our separation shall take place, ever

anarchy and popular tyranny? In the human body
the head only sustains and governs all the members,
directing them, with admirable harmony, to the
same object, which is self-preservation and happi
ness; so the head of the body politic, that is the
king, in concert with the parliament, can alone
maintain the union of the members of this empire,
lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obvi.
ating all the evils produced by variety of opinions
and diversity of interests. And so firm is my
persuasion of this, that I fully believe the most cruel
war which Great Britain could make upon us, would
be that of not m. king any; and that the surest
means of bringing us back to her obedience, would
be that of employing none.
For the dread of the
English arms once removed, provinces would rise
up against provinces, and cities against cities; and
we should be seen to turn against ourselves the
arms we have taken up to combat the common

enemy.

"Insurmountable necessity would then compel us to resort to the tutelary authority which we should have rashly abjured, and if it consented to receive us again under its egis, it would be no longer as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced,

and in our infancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a guide? none, and, if we judge the future by the past, we must conclude that our concord will continue as long as the danger, and no longer.

"Even when the powerful hand of England supported us, for the paltry motives of territorial limits and distant jurisdictions, have we not abandoned ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to violence? And what must we not expect now that minds are heated, ambitions roused, and arms in

the hands of all?

"If, therefore, our union with England offers us so many advantages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary to procure us, with foreign powers, that condescension and respect which is so essential to the prosperity of our commerce, to the enjoyment of any consideration, and to the accomplishment of any enterprize. Hitherto, in our intercourse with the different nations of the world, England has lent us the support of her name and of her arms: we have presented ourselves in all the ports and in all the cities of the globe, not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but as English; under the shadow of this respected name, every port was open to us, every way was smooth, every demand was heard with favor. From the

thing will assume a contrary direction. The nations will accustom themselves to look upon us with dis. dain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe will fall upon our vessels, will massacre our seamen, or lead them into a cruel and perpetual slavery.

"There is in the human species, often so inexplicable in their affections, a manifest propensity to

oppress the feeble as well as to flatter the power. ful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against moderation, and cruelty against clemency.

"Independence, I am aware, has attractions for all mankind; but I maintain, that, in the present quarrel, the friends of independence are the promoters of slavery, and that those who desire to se parate us, would but render us more dependent, if independence means the right of commanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if being depen dent is to obey, and not to command. If, in rendering ourselves independent of England, suppos. ing, however, that we should be able to effect it, we might be so, at the same time, of all other na tions, I should applaud the project; but to change to the whole world, is a step that could only be the condition of English subjects for that of slaves counselled by insanity. If you would reduce your

selves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the mandates of supercilious France, who is now kindling fire under our feet, declare yourselves indepen dent. If, to British liberty, you prefer the liberty of Holland, of Venice, of Genoa, or of Ragusa, declare yourselves independent. But, if we would not change the signification of words, let us preserve and carefully maintain this dependence, which has been, down to this very hour, the principle and source of our prosperity, of our liberty, of our real independence.

"But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with England; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have changed all, have subverted all. If I should deny, that, for the last twelve years, the English government has given the most fatal direction to the affairs of the colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of tyranny, I should deny not only what is the mani fest truth, but even what I have so often advanced and supported. But is there any doubt that it already feels a secret repentance? These arms, these soldiers, it prepares against us, are not designed to establish tyranny upon our shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and to compel us to subscribe to conditions of accommodation. In vain is it asserted

that the ministry will employ all means to make | tories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct themselves quite sure of us, in order to exercise our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and upon us, with impunity, all the rigor of their power; our priv leges. We shall learn too late what it costs for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossi to trust to those European flatteries, and to place bility of resistance, in cases of oppression, would be, that confidence in inveterate enemies which has on their part, a chimerical project. The distance been withdrawn from long tried friends. of the seat of gevernment, the vast extent of inter"There are many persons who, to gain their ends, vening seas, the continual increase of our popula-extol the advantages of a republic over monarchy. tion, our warlike spirit, our experience in arms, the I will not here undertake to examine which of these lakes, the rivers, the forests, the defiles which two forms of government merits the preference. I abound in our territory, are our pledges that Eng know, however, that the English nation, after havland will always prefer to found her power upon ing tried them both, has never found repose except moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigour in monarchy. I know, also, that in popular repuband oppression. An uninterrupted succession of lics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement victories and of triumphs could alone constrain Eng- human society, it has been requisite to institute land to acknowledge American independence; monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the the names of archons, of consuls, of doges, of goninstability of fortune can easily judge.

faloniers, and finally of kings. Nor should I here "If we have combated successfully at Lexington omit an observation, the truth of which appears to and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada have witnesme incontestable: the English constitution seems to sed our reverses. Every one sees the necessity of be the fruit of the experience of all anterior time; opposing the extraordinary pretensions of the min in which monarchy is so tempered, that the monarch isters; but does every body see also that of fight-finds himself checked in his efforts to seize abso ing for independence? lute power; and the authority of the people is so re.

"It is to be feared, that, by changing the object of gulated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for the war, the present harmony will be interrupted, us it is to be apprehended, that when the counterthat the ardour of the people will be chilled by ap- poise of monarchy shall no longer exist, the demoprehensions for their new situation. By substitu- cratic power may carry all before it, and involve ting a total dismemberment to the revocation of the the whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an am. laws we complain of, we should fully justify the bitious citizen may arise, seize the reins of power, ministers; we should merit the infamous name of and annihilate liberty forever; for such is the ordirebels, and all the British nation would arm, with an unanimous impulse, against those who, from oppressed and complaining subjects, should have become all at once irreconcilable enemies. The English cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the dignity of our cause; but they will blame, they will detest, our recourse to independence, and will unite with one consent to combat us.

nary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall into anarchy, and thence under despotism.

"Such are the opinions which might have been offered you with more eloquence, but assuredly not with more zeal or sincerity. May heaven grant that such sinister forebodings be not one day accomplished! May it not permit that, in this solemn concourse of the friends of country, the impassioned language of presumptuous and ardent men should have more influence than the pacific exhortations of good and sober citizens; prudence and moderation found and preserve empires, temerity and pre

"The propagators of the new doctrine are pleas ed to assure us, that, out of jealously towards England, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succours upon us, as if these sovereigns could sincere by applaud rebellion; as if they had not colonies, even here in America, in which it is important for them to main-sumption occasion their downfall.” tain obedience and tranquillity. Let us suppose, The discourse of Dickinson was heard with athowever, that jealousy, ambition or vengeance, tention; but the current flowed irresistibly strong should triumph over the fear of insurrections; do in a contrary direction, and fear acting upon many you think these princes will not make you pay dear more powerfully even than their opinion, the mafor the assistance with which they flatter you? Who jority pronounced in favor of independence. The bas not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the cu- deputies of Pennsylvania were accordingly authorpidity of Europeans? They will disguise their ized to return to congress, and to consent that the avarice under poinpous words; under the most be- confederate colonies should declare themselves free nevolent pretexts they will despoil us of our terri-land independent states.