noble Lords in assuming that he contemplated cumstances, he had only two courses open to a fresh appeal to the people antecedently to that him-to resign, or to offer the advice against exercise of the Royal prerogative, which he which the noble Earl inveighed. That addeemed necessary to prevent a collision be- vice he humbly tendered, and as it was not tween the hereditary and the representative adopted, he, with the utmost gratitude for branches of the legislature. He particularly past favours, entreated his Majesty to accept recol ected that he spoke of a probable colli- his resignation. Was that trampling on sion between the two Houses, and intimated the Crown or the House of Lords? Was that he should certainly feel it his duty to re- it not, on the contrary, abiding by that princommend the exercise of that prerogative, ciple even dearer to him than his heart's not to remedy a collision after it took place, blood, for he believed it necessary to the sebut to prevent it in due time. The noble Earl curity of the country? Noble Lords had who had spoken of their common age might charged him with a determination to force the remember the debates on the regency, though bill without any alteration; he could assure neither of them was in Parliament at the them, that so far from such a wish, he had time; and it could not have escaped his recol- been throughout willing to attend to all objeclection, that, on those debates, the prerogative tions in the committee, which would not affect of the Crown, to prevent a collision between the principles or the efficiency of the bill. He the Houses, had been frequently insisted on. then proceeded to defend the metropolitan It was, therefore, with him no new doctrine, clause, the 107. franchise, and to express a conand the only question was, whether the emer- fideut hope, that when the bill should have gency to justify it had arisen? There could been read a third time, public repose and genot be a more dangerous error than to suppose neral satisfaction would be its sure consethat emergency was the actual and not the quences. Should it be necessary to say more probable collision between the two branches in its defence, he would leave it in the hands of the legislature. Surely no man of prudence of those whose strength was less impaired would wait until danger, confessedly foreseen, than his, and he would trespass no more on had arrived. Common sense dictated that it their Lordships. What might be the result of should be provided against as speedily as pos- the Reform Bill it was not for man to decide, sible. He would now come to the noble Earl's but in the present state of the country, they notice of the first point on which the House might be well assured it was impossible to avoid had divided in committee. It was asserted reform. If reform did not come in due time that was no question of principle. To decide from within, it would come with a vengeance between those who held this opinion and the from without. The public mind had been so contrary, he would leave to an impartial ob- long bent upon it, that he believed there was server. This, however, must be acknowledged, no noble Lord in that House who would conthat if they had conceded the point then de-sciously say there was not the greatest danger manded, they must have resigned to the enemies of the measure the whole conduct of the bill. That, he felt, was inconsistent with every principle he had ever professed, and he was resolved at all hazards to resist it. He did this from no vain pride, from no morbid sense of personal dignity. The noble Earl then enlarged on the injurious consequences of rotten boroughs: he denied that the House of Commons worked well in practice, that it failed in producing confidence between itself and the people, the representatives and the represented; contending that the main principle of the bill was the disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, from which no consideration could induce him to swerve. Neither could he ever consent to any change in the order of proceeding which had for its object to limit the disfranchisement. The first motion thus made in the committee was made without any previous communication to him, and when its purport was stated to him for the first time in that House, he felt instantly that it was a proposition which, if agreed to, must prove fatal to the bill. This motion was brought forward by those who were shocked and indignant at the notion of a party trick. (Hear, hear.) He imputed nothing to this; he only sought to defend himself, and he owned that, to his miud, no other course presented itself excepting that he had pursued. Under these cir

in delaying it. He contended that although the nomination boroughs were destroyed, the great interests of the country would all be adequately represented; the agricultural, the commercial, the manufacturing, and even the colonial interests. It had been over and over again said, that much excitement prevailed; but he would appeal to the House whether be or his friends had been guilty of creating that excitement. He hoped the time was at hand when repose would succeed to that excitement: he hoped that a new era was at hand, and he anticipated that the noble Earl opposite would be amongst the first to rejoice at the fals fication of his own gloomy forebodings. Amongst the advantages which he anticipated from the speedy adoption of the measure, was that Political Unions would no longer exist. 'He felt as fully as any noble Lord in that House that they could not co exist with any well regulated or efficient Government; but he did not look to the same means for putting an end to them which seemed to be in the contemplation of some Members of that House. The noble Earl on the other side probably remembered the associations which were formed in this country at the close of the American war; he could not fail to remember that they transacted business by means of delegates, and that they were in constant correspondence with each other; but that when the exciting

cause was removed, the societies disappeared at the same time. So he expected it would be with the associations to which the necessity for reform had given rise. One of the results of the Reform Bill would be, to extinguish those societies. He then proceeded to defend himself from the imputation of any feeling but that of the most disinterested desire for the public good; at his time of life, he could feel no personal interest; and he believed there could be no man in the country aware of his own relation to society at large, who could feel otherwise than anxious for the public; the humblest mechanic in the land had the same interest in its well-being that he had, and he made no doubt that every class of the community would see the expediency of instantly returning to that peace and good order, without which they could not hope to enjoy that prosperity which, he trusted, would soon, and for a period of long duration, fall to our lot. He would then say that the measure of reform, so far from being revolutionary, was, in the highest degree, conservative.

noble Friend had justly said, the noble Earl had made use of the result of the motion of his noble and learned Friend with great skilfulness, as if the destruction of the bill had been previously concerted. No such concert had, however, existed. With respect to the recent proceedings in the committee, be (Lord Wharncliffe) having voted for the second reading of the bill on the ground that it was susceptible of beneficial alteration in the committee, had felt it his duty to attend in the committee, and endeavour to improve the bill as much as possible. They all knew the result, and the determination evinced by the noble Lords opposite not to give up a single point of the measure. Looking back at the whole of the proceedings, he could not take to himself any blame for the share which he had had in them. Before the debate on his noble and learned Friend's motion in the committee, he had told a noble duke, a member of his Majesty's Government, his noble and learned Friend's intention. But if the committee had not decided in favour of his noble and learned Friend's motion, it was possible that they Lord WHARNCLIFFE gave the noble Earl would have decided against his Majesty's Mifull credit for the uprightness of his inten-nisters on schedule B; and that would have tions and the purity of his motives, but yet brought their Lordships into still greater colaccused his policy as tending wantonly to put lision with the House of Commons. Everythe public affairs in jeopardy. He complained thing proved that, whatever might have been that that House had been deprived of its in- the nature of any amendments proposed in the dependence. He contended, that if the sense committee, the proposition would have been in of the country could now once more be taken vain. He hoped, however, that when the bill upon the subject, it would be found that the was passed, the noble Lords opposite would great body of the properly, the intelligence, and really turn their attention to the state of the the character of the country, were opposed to it. country. The noble Earl had admitted that He denied the interpretation put upon his own the systematic operation of Political Unions former speech by the noble Earl at the head would be inconsistent with the good government of his Majesty's Government, and coutended of the country. He (Lord Wharncliffe) howfor that of his noble Friend (Lord Harrowby); ever, very much doubted whether the settlement and he strenuously maintained, that no colli-of this question would have the effect of putting sion had arisen between the two Houses of an end to the Political Unions. When the Parliament. The noble Earl had said that the Catholic Bill was going through the House, intention of making the motion which his one of the great arguments in its favour was, noble and learned Friend had made in the that it would put an end to the agitation which committee was a secret to him. On his (Lord existed in Ireland; yet, from the period of Wharucliffe's) part he could say, that nothing the passing of that measure, Ireland had which he had previously heard had induced been in constant agitation. Having become him to believe that the noble Earl would con-conscious of their power, he doubted whether sider the success of that motion to be conclu- the Political Unions would be disposed to resive with respect to his continuance in office. linquish it, or to break up that machinery Whatever else might be a secret to the noble which had proved so effective in the attainment Earl, the feelings which he (Lord Wharncliffe) of their object. On the contrary, he looked and his noble Friends entertained with respect to see a House of Commons elected under the to the bill could be no secret to him. What influence of the Political Unions, and of the could they do other than that which they had press. Nothing, however, was so dangerous done? From the time at which the noble Earl as political prophecy; and he would, theredeclared in his specch on the second readingfore, express his earnest hope with the noble of the bill that the bill was in the hands of their Lordships, he thought that propositions for amending the bill in the committee would be dispassionately received and considered. And he had also thought that the noble Lords opposite were disposed to go a great way with them in amending the bill What he and his noble Friends had been trying to do was to make the bill safer and more satisfactory to the majority of the community. But as his

Earl, that after the heats and animosities which the discussion of this measure had occasioned had subsided, beneficial consequences might be the result. He could not but confess that he looked with great apprehension to what he conceived was the danger of lodging a preponderaut power in the hands of one part of the community; but he trusted that his fears would prove groundless; and that the measure would be productive of all

the public advantage which the noble Earl sent. They seem to look upon these anticipated from it. Political Unions as something that will The question "That the bill be now read a third time," was then put from the woolsack. supersede the Government altogether; The Lord Chancellor declared that he thought or, at least, have great weight in de the contents had it; but a noble lord (we ciding upon measures to be adopted. believe the Earl of Roden) stating that the PEEL expressed his alarm in the follow non-contents had it, strangers were ordered! to withdraw. ing words:

Although there could be no rational doubt as to the result of the division, yet considerable agitation prevailed among the excluded strangers, until they were informed that the numbers (no proxies we understood having been presented) were as follows: Contents Non-contents

that no one on that side of the House would throw any factious obstacle in his way. Above all, he felt it his duty to call the attention of his Majesty's Government to the continued exquite clear that the Unions had no intention of istence of these political associations. It was dissolving: they intended to continue their existence for the purpose of extorting further On our re-admission, we found the Lord bill was to be accepted as a final and satisfacadvantages. He had heard it said that this Chancellor proposing several verbal amendments in the bill, which, after a brief con-him (Mr. Hume), the Member for the metro tory measure. The hon. Gentleman behind versation, were adopted.

The question "That this bill do pass," was thing; yet he declared only a few nights back, then put and agreed to.

A number of noble lords immediately sur-him but that and he would soon extort the 51. in reference to the 10. franchise, that, give rounded Earl Grey, and appeared to be congratulating him on the successful termination

people the privilege of discussing and making not the people have associations for a known their grievances; but in respecting similar purpose? But, before I proceed these rights, it is also my duty to prevent further, let us have the words of Lawyer combinations, under whatever pretext, which in their form and character are incompatible CROKER, who quoted WASHINGTON! with all regular government, and are equally opposed to the spirit and to the provisions of the law; and I know that I shall not appeal in vain to my faithful subjects to second my determined resolution to repress all illegal proceedings by which the peace and security of my dominions may be endangered." They were, then, about to give their final assent to that bill which was said to be the chief cause and justification of political unious. With the cause, then, the effect ought also to cease; and he would call upon the House to consider, before the separation of this Parliament, the propriety of redeeming the pledges placed in the mouth of his Majesty's Ministers, and to put an end to the proceedings, the continuance of which, under any form, are inconsistent with all good government, and opposed alike to the provisions and spirit of the law, and to give that protection to property and liberty which is quite incompatible with the continuance of those associations. (Cheers.)

There was no part of the conduct of his Majesty's present Government which he more deeply lamented than their conduct towards the Political Unions. Nor was that conduct free from the marks of duplicity, as well as of neglect of duty. They might for a time check the eruptions of those volcanic Unions, but he very much feared that the earthquake would be stifled only for a time, and that eventually monarchy in this country would totter to its fall. Even at the present moment Political Unions, by the mere change of a word, were about to become legally organized. They were about to call themselves Electoral Unions, aud to assume the functions of conductors of elections throughout the country; pointing out to the voters of popular places the persons whom they thought best qualified to sit in the House of Commons. And this system was to last for ever. It would be a perpetual circle of political excitement. Was it too much to believe that these Unions would suc

curred in France at the period of the revolu tion; and recollect the division of Paris into selves above all law, first controlled the GoElectoral Sections, which, having set them

He would on this subject appeal to an autho rity which he supposed would be allowed to be entitled to respect by all who admired high of national independence, but which authopublic character obtained in the establishment rity pointed out the dangers which might beset constituted order even in a republic. The great Washington, in the year 1796, when, as it were, taking leave of the American nation as a public man, wrote a letter in which he warned his countrymen of the great danger to which even popular state was liable from political associations. Having observed that the duty of every individual to obey it, Washwhen a government was once established it was

This is very terrific, to be sure. PITT ceed in obtaining a bona fide and permanent influence over the Government of the country? clubs, Conservative Clubs, Loyal Asso-Let those who thought so recollect what occiations against Jacobins and levellers, openly employing bands of spies and informers; all these were right enough; but unions for the purpose of obtainingvernment, and in a short time destroyed it. reform, frighten PEEL'S-BILL PEEL Out of his senses. If there be anything which common sense bids every man to believe, and with respect to which there can be no difference of opinion amongst sane persons, it is this: that, if there be anything which your notorious and deadly enemy dislikes more than every thing else, that is a thing which you ought to like Upon this principle we ought to judge now with regard to POLITICAL UNIONS. We may be sure, that PEEL and CROKER dislike them,ington thus proceeded :because they are favourable to us. If All obstructions to the execution of the they saw in these Unions things which laws, all combinations and associations, "under whatever plausible character, with could be easily corrupted, they would "the real design to direct, control, counter- : not have such a dislike to them. They act, or awe the regular deliberation and think, and they think truly, that these action of the constituted authorities, are Unions will have a good deal to say in "destructive of this fundamental principle, "and of fatal tendency. They serve to organpointing out the proper members to be "ize faction, to give it an artificial and exelected, and, why should they not? Are traordinary force-to put in the place of the there not county-clubs," sitting from" delegated will of the nation the will of a seven years to seven years; regularly party, often a small but artful and euterfitted out with chairmen, secretaries, and prising minority of the community; and, corresponding committees; have not "ferent parties, to make the public adminis "according to the alternate triumphs of difboth Whigs and Tories these; and shall"tration the mirror of the ill-concerted and

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"Incongruous projects of faction, rather than by showing the dissimilarity? Do we "the organ of consistent and wholesome combine for the purpose of dictating to "plans, digested by common councils, and " modified by mutual interests. However the King and his Ministers measures of "combinations or associations of the above war and of peace? Have those who "description may, now and then, answer rule us been chosen by ourselves, from the "popular ends, they are likely, in the course King down to the justice of the peace? "of time and things, to become potent Shall we, at the end of every two years, engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and "unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert have the rechoosing of the whole of "the power of the people, and to usurp for them? Have we no rights to recover ; "themselves the reins of Government; de- and have we no burdens imposed upon "stroying afterwards the very enemies which "have lifted them to unjust dominion." us? Oh! Lawyer CROKER, there wanted 1 a man with a head upon his shoulders, LAWYER CROKER, this passage from to remark upon your learned quotation what was called Washington's legacy, from WASHINGTON. Oh! Lawyer! The will make against you when properly glorious days of MOTHER CLARKE are explained. I was an actor, and a pretty gone never to return!

important actor, too, on the stage, when I was not much delighted with what this legacy came forth. War was going the Ministers said upon the subject of on between England and France. WASH-these Political Unions. They, in both INGTON was anxious to keep America Houses, expressed a hope, that the good in a state of neutrality; "Democratic sense of the people would put an end to Societies" were formed to force the the Unions when the reform was com Congress into a war against England. pleted. Agreed, if by completion, they I had a very considerable hand in keep-mean the Reformed Parliament actually ing down these societies. The object of assembled, and proving by its conduct these societies was far different from that that it is resolved to make the changes of our Political Unions, the object of which the circumstances of the country which is to obtain a restoration of our demand; but wholly do I disagree with rights, and a relief from our burdens. them, if they mean, that the Unions The Democratic Societies" of America ought to cease upon the mere passing of had no complaint to make against their the Bill. Why, here is this Parliament Government, which laid not one single still sitting with the members of the tax upom them, and which never had fifty-six cashiered boroughs in it; and, attempted to withhold from them the what is more, the Ministers do not think enjoyment of one single right. The proper to give us even a hint with reform of the Government, was a form gard to the time when it is to cease to which the people themselves had chosen, sit! Nay, Lawyer CROKER, my real the president and the members of the belief is, that, if the Political Unions Congress, had, at the time we are speak were to dissolve themselves, and the ing of, recently been chosen by the peo-people were to sink down into a state ple. At the end of about a year and a of confiding apathy, and were to hold half, the right of choosing would again their tongues upon the subject, this Parrevert into the hands of the people. It liament would continue to sit for years was upon these grounds that WASHINGTON objected to clubs whose manifest intention was, to coerce the Government; to overrule those whom the people had chosen to carry on their affairs; and, in this particular case, to compel them to go to war, to gratify the wild and vindicative whims of the leaders of these societies.

Is there any similarity in the two cases, Lawyer Croker; and ought not some one to have put you down at once

yet to come, unless put an end to by the demise of the crown. Oh, no! I am not for a government of clubs: I never have been. A nation cannot be well governed by such means; it is all caprice, and all confusion: but, I am for our keeping together, and not slackening in any one of our exertions, until we see the members of the Reformed Parlia ment fairly seated in the House.

Besides, while proud and pert STANLEY tells us that HE will take this reform asa