Royal Highness the Prince Regent was required, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, secretly to abandon what the former Overture had proposed to him publicly to concede. This most offensive proposition was also rejected, being accompanied, as the former had been, by other demands of the most, exceptionable nature, and especially of indemuity for all American vessels detained and condemned under the Orders in Council, or under what were termed illegal blockades-a compliance with which demands, exclusive of all other objections, would have amounted to an absolute surrender of the rights on which those Orders and Blockades were founded. Had the American Government been sincere in representing the Orders in Council, as the only subject of difference between Great Britain and the United States, calculated to lead to hostilities; it might have been expected, so soon as the revocation of those Orders had been officially made known to them, that they would have spontaneously recalled their "letters "of marque," and manifested a disposition immediately to restore the relations of peace and amity between the two Powers.-But the conduct of the Government of the United States by no means corresponded with such reasonable expectations.The Order in Council of the 23d of June being officially communicated in America, the Government of the United States, saw nothing in the repeal of the Orders in Council, which should of itself restore Peace, unless Great Britain were prepared, in the first instance, substantially to relinquish the right of impressing her own seamen when found on board American merchant ships.--The proposal of an Armistice, and of a simultaneous Repeal of the restrictive measures on both sides, subsequently made by the commanding officer of His Majesty's naval forces on the American coast, were received in the same hostile spirit by the Government of the United States. The suspension of the practice of impressment was insisted upon in the Correspondence which passed on that occasion, as a necessary preliminary to a cessation of hostilities:-Negociation, it was stated, might take place without any suspension of the exercise of this right, and also without any Armistice being concluded; but Great Britain was required previously to agree, without any knowledge of the adequacy of the system which could be substituted, to negociate upon the basis of accepting the Legislative Regulations of a foreign State, as the sole equivalent for the exercise of a right which she has felt to be essential to the support of her maritime power. If America, by demanding this preliminary concession, intends to deny the validity of that right, in that denial Great Britain cannot acquiesce; nor will she give countenance to such a pretension, by acceding to its suspension, much less to its abandonment, as a basis on which to treat. If the American Government has devised, or conceives it can devise, regulations, which may safely be accepted by Great Britain, as a substitute for the exercise of the right in question, it is for them to bring forward such a plan for consideration. The British Government has never attempted to exclude this question from amongst those on which the two State; might have to negotiate: It has, on the contrary, uniformly professed its readiness to receive and discuss any proposition on this subject, coming from the American Government: It has never asserted any exclusive right as to the impressment of British seamen from American vessels, which it was not prepared to acknowledge as appertaining equally to the Government of the United States, with respect to American seamen when found on board British merchant ships :-But it cannot, by acceding to such a basis in the first instance, either assume, or admit that to be practicable, which, when attempted on former occasions, has always been found to be attended with great difficulties; such difficulties as the British Commissioners in 1806, expressly declared, after an attentive consideration of the suggestions brought forward by the Commissioners on the part of America, they were unable to surmount.. Whilst this proposition, transmitted through the British Admiral, was pending in America, another communication on the subject of an armistice was unofficially made to the British Government in this country. The Agent, from whom this proposition was received, acknowledged that he did not consider that he had any authority himself to sign an agreement on the part of his Government, It was obvious that any stipulations entered into, in consequence of this overture, would have been binding on the British Government, whilst the Government of the United States would have been free to refuse or accept them, according to the circumstances of the moment: this proposition was therefore necessarily declined. After this exposition of the circum stances which preceded, and which have followed the Declaration of War by the United States, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, feels himself called upon to declare the leading principles by which the conduct of Great Britain has been regulated in the transactions connected with these discussions.His Royal Highness can never acknowledge any blockade whatsoever to be illegal, which has been duly notified, and is supported by an adequate force, merely upon the ground of its extent, or because the ports, or coasts blockaded, are not at the same time invest ed by land.- -His Royal Highness can never admit that neutral trade with Great Britain can be constituted a public crime, the commission of which can expose the ships of any power whatever to be denationalized.- His Royal Highness can never admit that Great Britain can be debarred of its right of just and necessary retaliation, through the fear of eventually affecting the interest of a neutral.His Royal Highness can never admit, that in the exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undisputed right of searching neutral merchant vessels in time of war, the impressment of British seamen, when found therein, can be deemed any violation of a neutral flag. Neither can he admit, that the taking such seamen from on board such vessel, can be considered by any Neutral State, as a hostile measure, or a justifiable cause of war. There is no right more clearly established, than the right which a Sovereign has to the allegiance of his subjects, more especially in time of war. Their allegiance is no optional duty, which they can decline, and resume at pleasure. It is a call which they are bound to obey: it began with their birth, and can only terminate with their existence. -If a similarity of language and manners may make the exercise of this right more liable to partial mistakes, and occasional abuse, when practised towards vessels of the United States, the same circumstances make it also a right, with the exercise of which, in regard to such vessels, it is more difficult to dispense. But if, to the practice of the United States, to harbour British seamen, be added their assumed right to transfer the allegiance of British subjects, and thus to cancel the jurisdiction of their legitimate sovereign, by acts of naturalization and certificates of citizenship, which they pretend to be as valid out of their own territory, as within it, it is ob vious, that to abandon this ancient right of Great Britain, and to admit these novel pretensions of the United States, would be to expose to danger the very foundation of our maritime strength.--Without entering minutely into the other topics, which have been brought forward by the Government of the United States, it may be proper to remark, that whatever the Declaration of the United States may have asserted, Great Britain never did demand that they should force British manufactures into France; and she formally declared her willingness entirely to forego, or modify, in concert with the United States, the system by which a commercial intercourse with the enemy had been allowed, under the protection of licenses; provided the United States would act towards her, and towards France, with real impartiality.- -The Government of America, if the differences between States are not interminable, has as little right to notice the affair of the Chesapeak. The aggression in this instance, on the part of a British officer, was acknowledged, his conduct was disapproved, aud a reparation was regularly tendered by Mr. Foster on the part of His Majesty, and accepted by the Government of the United States. -It is not less unwarranted in its allusion to the mission of Mr. Henry; a mission undertaken without the authority, or even knowledge of His Majesty's Government, and which Mr. Foster was authorized formally and officially to disavow. -The charge of exciting the Indians to offensive measures against the United States, is equally void of foundation. Before the war began, a policy the most opposite had been uniformly pursued, and proof of this was tendered by Mr. Foster to the American Government. -Such are the cause's of war which have been put forward by the Government of the United States. But the real origin of the present contest will be found in that spirit, which has long unhappily actuated the Councils of the United States; their marked partiality in palliating and assisting the aggressive tyranny of France; their systematic endeavours to inflame their people against the defensive measures of Great Britain; their ungenerous conduct towards Spain, the intimate ally of Great Britain; and their unworthy desertion of the cause of other neutral nations. It is through the prevalence of such councils that America has been associated in policy with France; and committed in war against Great Britain. -And under what conduct on the part of France has the Government of the United States thus lent it RUSSIAN BULLETINS. self to the enemy? The contemptuous vio-Report from General Count Wittgenstein to His Imperial Majesty, dated Berisow, Nov. 28. (Continued from page 64.) feet. The loss on our side is not great. I am to-day going to attack Napoleon at the town of Studentzy. Admiral Tschitschagow and Count Platow will attack him on the other side of the river Berisena. The same General reports, under date of 12th (24th) November, from the village of Tschvuga, as follows: Admiral Tschitschagow arrived on the 22d at Berisow, from whence the General of infantry, Langeron, reports to me in two letters of the 10th (22d) instant, that Adjutant-General Count Lambert took possession of Berisow on the 9th (21st) and there defeated the whole of Dombrowski's corps, taking six cannon and two stands of colours, and making 3,000 prisoners; the remainder of this beaten corps marched off on the road to Orscha.- -Count Lambert also took two pieces of artillery at Kaidenow, and made about 3,000 prisoners, and had in all, in the course of eight days, made about 11,000 prisoners, including the sick that were found in the hospitals at Minsk, and taken 24 cannon. Victor and Oudinot are retreating before me towards Berisow. I am in pursuit of them, and yes- . terday took upwards of 800 prisoners and a number of baggage waggons. The General of cavalry, Count Platow, is already in pursuit of the enemy's grand army towards Totoschin. Your Imperial Majesty will please to perceive by this statement, that we are compressing the enemy on three sides. General Count Platow pursues them on the rear; I act on their flank; and Admiral Tschitschagow will receive him at Berisow.-Petersburgh Gazelle, Dec. 1. lation of the Commercial Treaty of the year 1800 between France and the United States; the treacherous seizure of all Ame-, rican vessels and cargoes in every harbour subject to the control of the French arms; the tyrannical principles of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and the confiscations under them; the subsequent condemnations under the Rambouillet Decree, antedated or concealed to render it the more effectual; the French commercial regulations, which render the traffic of the United States with France almost illusory; the burning of their merchant ships at sea, long after the alleged repeal of the French Decrees-all these acts of violence on the part of France, produce from the Government of the United States, only such complaints as end in acquiescence and submission, or are accompanied by suggestions for enabling France to give the semblance of a legal form to her usurpations, by converting them into municipal regulations.This disposition of the Government of the United States-this complete subserviency to the Ruler of France this hostile temper towards Great Britain are evident in almost every page of the official correspondence of the American with the French Government.Against this course of conduct, the real cause of the present war, the Prince Regent solemnly protests. Whilst contending against France, in defence not only of the liberties of Great Britain, but of the world, His Royal Highness was entitled to look for a far different result. From their common origin-from their common interest-from their professed principles of freedom and independence, the United States were the last power in which Great Britain could have expected to find a willing instrument, and abettor of French tyranny.Disappointed in this his just expectation, the Prince Regent will still The same Paper contains a dispatch from pursue the policy which the British Govern- Prince Kutusow, dated Lanniku, 23d Noment has so long, and invariably maintain-vember, stating that Napoleon left Orscha ed, in repelling injustice, and in support- on the 20th November, and detailing the ing the general rights of nations; and, unmeans he had adopted for pursuing him. der the favour of Providence, relying on the justice of his cause, and the tried loyalty and firmness of the British nation, His Royal Highness confidently looks forward to a successful issue to the contest, in which he has thus been compelled most reluctantly to engage. Westminster, Jan. 9, 1813. Petersburgh, Dec. 1. Intercepted Letter from the Prince of Neufchatel to Marshal Davoust, Prince of Eckmuhl. It is the wish of the Emperor, that you support the Duke of Elchingen in the re treat which he is making with his rear-stimulated by the presence of Napoleon, he guard, while the Viceroy, to-morrow the was totally defeated on the 5th (17th of 27th, will march to take post at Krasnoi. this month. He himself escaped with You will, therefore, take care to occupy the great difficulty; he lost his artillery, his post which you shall judge advisable, and baggage, his staff of command, all his equiwhich the Viceroy shall evacuate. The in-pages, and even a part of those belonging Thus the Martention of the Emperor is, that you, with to the Emperor his master. your corps, and that of the Duke of Elchin-shal's staff, which Louis Nicholas Davoust gen's, retire from Krasnoi, and make this received on the 29th Floreal, and the year. movement on the 28th and 29th. General 12, is added to the number of victories, Charpentier, with his garrison, consisting which will serve as a testimony to posterity of three-third Polish battalions, and a regi- of the melancholy fate which has befallen ment of cavalry, will leave the town at the this vanquished army, which dared to same time with the rear. Before you make an irruption into the Russian empire, march out you will blow up the ramparts in a manner worthy of the Vandals. Marwhich surround Smolensko, as the wines shal Davoust being by this defeat cut off are ready, and only need to be set fire to. froin the corps of Marshal Ney, was so far You will take care that the ammunition, from being able to support him, that it was powder-chests, and every thing that cannot not even in his power to give him informabe carried away, be destroyed and burnt, tion of the destruction of his own corps. as also the muskets; the cannon should be Marshal Ney experienced the same fate on buried. Generals Chasseloup and Loulos- the next day, the 6th 18th) ditto. He siere will take care, each in his department, took the same road, and after a battle, to carry these orders into proper execution. which was decided on both sides by the You will take care to send out patrols, naked sword, 12,000 men laid down their that no marauders remain behind; and you arms. In one word, Marshal Ney's corps, will also leave as few persons as possible in and the whole garrison of Smolensko were made prisoners to a man. The number of the hospitals. cannon that fell into the hands of the Russians on both those days amounts to upwards of 190. Marshal Ney has fed through the woods, where our yagers are searching for him.-St. Petersburgh, 19th Nov. (1st Dec.) (Signed) Prince of Neufchatel, Maj.-Gen. ALEXANDER. Smolensko, 2d (14) Nov. A true account of the manner in which the Prince of Eckmuhl executed the orders of the Emperor Napoleon, transmitted to him in the dispatch to the Prince of Neufchatel: The roads to Dorogobush are covered for the distance of several wersts with the dead bodies of the enemy, and the rivers on those roads are entirely filled with their bodies and with their dead horses. Twer, Nov. 20.-Our brave troops in pursuit of the enemy continue incessantly to gain victories. Every day French prisoners are brought in by hundreds and by Before Marshal Davoust left Smolensko, thousands, which have been sent by the he in fact executed the orders he had re- corps of Count Wittgenstein. A great ceived, but only in such manner as charac-number of cannon have likewise been taken. terizes a flying enemy. He caused the mines to be sprung; set fire to 800 powder chests; and in his own person set the example to the incendiaries, who, notwithstanding the endeavours of Marshal Ney to prevent it, were spreading the flames into all parts of the city. After this proof of his valour, Marshal Davoust marched with his corps in such disorder as would have reflected disgrace on conscripts, and thus proceeded on Krasnoi, where, although he was supported by several corps of the Imperial guards, who formed the remainder of the 4th corps d'armee; and although Tula, Nov. 16.-On the 13th inst. 1,200 French prisoners were taken through this city, on the Kasan road; they are dreadfully exhausted and covered with rags. Same Paper.) From the Berlin Gazette of Dec. 3. Vienna, Nov. 24.-The report that negociations towards a general Peace will (To be continued.) Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden. COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER. VOL. XXIII. No. 4.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 25, 1813. [Price 1s. 97] [98 If we do, what ground have we for joy thereat? Would he, if he had completely conquered Russia, have made the lot of the people worse than it was before? Would he have made them less free? Would he have deprived them of any privilege; any means of ensuring their safety and happiness? If we answer these questions; if we, with sincerity, can answer these questions in the affirmative; then, indeed, have we cause for joy at the failure of his enterprise; but, if we cannot, we have not, as philan -As Englishmen have we any cause for joy? Does his failure at such an immense distance from us, make us more secure against his power? Does it remove any of the causes of alarm to us, which before ex SUMMARY OF POLITICS. NORTHERN WAR.We have, at last, information, on which we may safely rely as to this war. It is now become evident, that the losses of the French Emperor have been immense, since his departure from the place where Moscow once stood; that his army in the North is fearfully reduced both in men and horses, as well as in all the stores and implements necessary in war; that, that part of his army which has made good its retreat, is in great want of everythropists, any cause for joy at that failure. thing to inspirit it, except its own native. soul; but, at the same time, it is to be observed, that, in no part of this army has disaffection appeared, and that its fidelity to its Chief does not betray any of those symptoms, that would naturally be expect-isted?—I am of opinion; an opinion ed, if, as we are incessantly told, the which I sincerely entertain, and wish disFrench people were so discontented with tinctly to express and to put upon record; the laws of conscription. With the al- if the power of Napoleon be dangerous to lies of the Emperor, however, the case is, us, the wider his forces are extended upon as was to be expected, totally different. the continent, in a direction away from us, They have not only discovered disaffection the better. The expedition to Egypt, if we towards him, but have, in one case, as will had not followed the French thither, was be seen from the Official documents, actu- what every Englishman ought to have ally deserted him; and, in fact, gone over wished for; and, the force and talents reto the enemy.The French report to the quisite for establishing and maintaining a Senate ascribes this defection to the in-new division of territory and power on the trigues and corruption of England; but, if Napoleon had not been obliged to retreat; if he had not met with reverses that so materially enfeebled his army," the intrigues and corruption of England" would have had no effect at all.The exultation of our hireling prints, upon this occasion, is, of course, without bounds. They predict, from the defection of the Prussian army (for, I have no doubt that it will extend to the whole army), nothing short of the total overthrow of Napoleon and of the French empire. If they were to predict, as a consequence of it, an addition of 10 or 15 millions annually to our taxes, and a prolongation of the war for four or five years, they would, I am afraid, be nearer the mark. What ground; what solid ground, is there for these exultations? Do we view the baffling of Napoleon's views on Russia merely as philanthropists? other side of the Vistula, would certainly have left us in a greater degree of security. Suppose, that, as the consequence of the late events in Russia, Prussia should openly declare against Napoleon? What then? Has he not tried Prussia as an enemy? Has he not had to fight Prussian armies before? And, if he be not able to maintain himself on points so distant as those which he has now reached, does it follow, that he will be unable to give us as much annoyance as he has hitherto given us?Where, then, is the ground for all this boisterous exultation? Where the cause for all this frantic joy?—Our hireling prints consider Napoleon as ruined, because he has failed in a war against the elements; for, after all, to the elements alone he owes his failure. Ruined! Ruined, when he can call out an additional force of 300,000 men! We are told, that D |