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necessarily follows that laws are but types of slavery. Give me leave to say, sir, you do not understand me, at least. No man has a greater reverence for the laws, or is more firmly attached to the constitution, than myself." Only, that, like the man who had grown so attached to his knife that he bestowed a new blade and then a new handle to it, you would renew it altogether.' No, sir, I say what I think, and what I feel. I am not bound to uphold the faults and defects, though I may love the constitution as sincerely as you do.' Depend upon it, sir, our love begins to slacken ominously, when the faults of the object are more visible to our perception than its beauties; one step more, and our love is turned to hate.'

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ly omitted in the returns to parliament, through the agency of their superior lords." Wasn't that an insufferable grievance, sir?'

"It might be so, sir, in your opinion; but we are speaking of the pure periods of the constitution, to which your reformers look back with such tender yearnings, when, instead of a grievance, it was considered as a relief from a burthen. I must not, however, be interrupted, sir. Land, I repeat, was then the representative of the property of the country; but as the rights of individuals came to be better ascertained-when the professions were opened to men of every rank and station in lifewhen the spirit of adventure brought the treasures of a new world to our shores, and commerce and trade multiplied the sources of wealth,-a strict adherence to the letter of the constitution would have excluded the whole, or greater part of this new property (inasmuch as it was extraneous and independent upon the land) from being represented in parliament, and have subjected a large and daily increasing portion of the people to the overruling and predominant influence of the landed interest. Without, therefore, imputing injustice to the landed interest, we may suppose their ignorance of the true nature of mercantile or commercial transactions to be a sufficient ground for some change in the original plan of representation. There was no opening, no provision made for this new state of things. It was not because certain towns, rising into importance, and certain ports, appropriate to commerce, might occasionally send men capable of watching their interests, that the great mass of persons unrepresented at all would be satisfied. These, as I said before, might assert local rights and privileges; but it was necessary, with a view to the country at large, and to the privileges of the constitution, that some essential change should be made in the general representation. Our ancestors were too wise to propose sweeping reforms. The constitution had been gradually forming itself under the collective wisdom of succeeding generations; and any sudden deviation from its course was only likely to produce those rude convulsions which have, more than once, threatened the subversion of all that has rendered us the wonder and admiration of surrounding nations.'

"Aye,—well,-I don't understand all these roundabout ways; I stick to my facts, and want only a plain answer to a plain question; why, because men have monopolized our land, should they have the power to monopolize our rights?' Still, your question in this form is any thing but a question; for you beg the whole of it, and then demand a categorical answer. But since you are determined to have one, I answer, in the first place, that those who have the greatest stake are likely to be most interested in the welfare of the country, whilst at the same time I readily admit, that this predominance should be so extended as to prevent partial or unjust leaning toward any particular class, or order of men, in society. There you have hit it; isn't that what I say?' asked his opponent triumphally. I fear not exactly,' answered Pen; for, by referring to the very grievance, the canker which the nice optics of the reformers have discovered in the system of close boroughs, we shall find that the practice of the constitution, in deviating from the strict theory, has applied the most effective means of preventing any undue preponderance of the landed interest over those of the moueyed, the commercial, or trading part of the community. I will not discuss with you, sir, the first principles of government. I have already said, what no man acquainted with the subject has ever denied, that the representatives of a country, whose object is permanency and security, must be the representatives of its property. This is the principle of English legislation. When this was originally established in our constitution, which, by the "Bravo, bravo!" exclaimed the grazier, by, you, sir, seem to imagine a piece of who had been roused from a gentle slumold parchment, drawn up by some not- ber by the increasing energy of our hero. able lawyer, and declared regularly sign-Auld England's worth 'em all shaken ed and sealed by somebody, at some parti- together.' cular date I said no such thing,' interrupted the stranger. Your arguments imply it, at least; but when this principle was first understood and acted upon, land was the chief, if not almost the only representative of property; so that even the boroughs were frequent

The machine,' continued Pen, who hardly heard his cheerer, was so well put together, that it gradually adjusted itself to the new order of things. As ancient boroughs decayed, or became rotten, if the term please you better, they fell under the influence of small bodies, and even indivi

duals, who by degrees secured a right in them, between which, and the exercise of it, no law could interpose; and this right, by purchase or conveyance, was made over to individuals of every class or order in the community, who could afford to avail themselves of it by the profits of professions, commerce, or any other branch of honourable industry and exertion. It might be affirmed, indeed, that this innovation was essentially democratical; and it might without difficulty be proved, by reference to facts, that these rotten boroughs have coustantly afforded an opening to the admission of men who have most strenuously advocated the cause of the people, and who could by no other means have found their way into parliament.' What of that?' demanded the stranger. Have not the people, in the same proportion, been dispossessed of their rights? have they not forfeited their franchises ? Surely not in the instances to which I allude. The rights you speak of must have disappeared with the population.'

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"All I mean to say,' said the stranger, who appeared to have exhausted his stock in hand all I mean to say is, that it is hard the people of England should be deprived of their undoubted rights. God knows, I want no bloodshed or plunder; but if Parliament won't do us justice, we are entitled to take our own affairs into our own hands. The plea of necessity is, unquestionably, a strong one; but until you hear the case made out to your perfect satisfaction, it might be wiser to leave your affairs-where they are. Depend upon it, it would not mend the matter to have a horde of mob-orators-adventurers without principle-moral or religious; poor, desperate, and needy masters-either of your liberties or your exchequers. Let me put one question to you, which I would rather you should answer to yourself, upon your pillow to-night: What reasonable ground have you to suppose, that six hundred men, of honourable life and character-I repeat generally, for exceptions must ever present themselves of birth, rank, and education, -men, who in their private conduct are unimpeachable, should, by being assembled together in a body, become at once rogues, plunderers, and tyrants? Or, by what possible process can you arrive at this conclusion, on the other side, that an equal number of men, chosen by the most ignorant and unenquiring classes of the people, under the influence of leaders, who are known to be of desperate fortune, and of most abandoned character in every private relation of life,-are, by incorporation, to become at once pure, incorrupt, and incorruptible stewards of a people's rights and property?'

"Our hero, after a short time, finding his opponent silent, addressed him in a more calm and friendly manner, and from his

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appearance, and circumstances which oc curred during the foregoing discussion, conceiving him to be a misguided, rather than an unprincipled person, he asked him, whether he had never heard his associates in reform confess, that their object was, in effect, to do away with the regal government? We never professed any such views,' was the reply. And yet, sir, it is clear as the sun at noon-day, that a House of Commons, reformed according to your plan, could not subsist under a monarchy; in plainer terms,--that a regal government could not co-exist with a legislature so formed, for a single year. It would be no longer a house of representatives, but a chamber of delegates, who, claiming to govern in the name of the sovereign people, would feel, and quickly avow the incon sistency, of submitting their decrees to the ordeal, either of Lords, or King. They would at least discover, as the old Rump of Oliver Cromwell, and their more modern copyists, the French Regicides did,— that both a King and a House of Peers only stood in their way, and that they could just as well do without them. With their subsequent necessity of recurring for security to the old standard, and of restoring the same things, under the different names of Emperors or Protectors of Conservative Senates, and Councils of State-we have nothing at present to do.' And so, you would have us submit-Stop, sir,' cried Pen, fiercely, I can reason with a REFORMER; but I must repel a REBEL: you either fight under false colours, or you must disprove the result I have anticipated, to be consistent with your scheme.' Why, thee ben't one of them radicals-ater all, mun, be'est thee?' asked the grazier. That's the way with you all,' cried the baffled reformer; you can call names.'

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"Not I,' answered Pen, with great calmness; I did not say you were a rebel,-I only meant to show, that what is called radical reform, must inevitably lead to the subversion of the constitution, for which it professes to entertain so jealous an affection, that those who are capable of reasoning upon the subject, cannot fail to perceive it, and that those who are not, are only blind instruments in the hands of those who do. The charge of corruption is brought against our existing institutions and public functionaries, without any evidence beyond that which goes to prove,what no man in his sense ever doubted,that no human work is, or ever can be perfect, or perfectly exercised. A change is proposed under the general and undefined term of reform, which actually undermines, and provides for the destruction, of all that is virtually good with what may be supposed capable of improvement, and has rendered the country for centuries the envy and admiration of Europe; whilst it carries with it not a shadow or pretence of reme

dying a single evil, it professes to have discovered. The popular branch of the constitution has for many years been gaining ground upon the other two estates; and I have no hesitation in affirming, that the power of the crown is more circumscribed and limited in the present, than in any former period of our history. The few crafty politicians, who are the secret springs, and movers of the radical party, perceive this, -and cry out against the House of Commons, as the usurpers of power, whilst they affect to identify the interests of the people, with those of the crown, at the very time, in fact, when they are labouring to seize upon that popular branch of the legislature, as the most effective and powerful means of becoming masters of the government, and turning it equally against the people, and the two other estates of the realm. All parties, my good sir," continued Pen, whose brain having been set in commotion by the hostile appeal recently made to the outside of his head, or by the sapping system of the spirituous remedies within it,had become unusually eloquent, all parties are constructed upon the same principles; it matters not whether it is limited to the weekly club at mine host's in the village, or extended over the country, in affiliated societies, from a parent-stock in the metropolis. A few strong and determined heads, who perceive all their points, and concentrate all their means of aggression, gain the ascendant; a larger number of agents receive from them their cue, and dole out in daily portions, through the medium of a hireling and prostituted press, or in clubs, associations, and public meetings,-poisoned food for discontent, and disaffection towards the government. The evils incident to all men, but more pressing upon the subordinate classes,-as must inevitably and necessarily be the case in every community, are made to appear the result of peculiar and extraordinary corruption on the part of their governors: every privation is felt, which had never been felt before, and the common lot of man is rendered intolerable to them, by the conviction, that it is the immediate product of tyranny and oppression. There is but one step from feeling an injury, to the attempt at redressing it. A patriot, or mob orator, is at hand with the means, and the misguided multitude rush forward to aid his patriotic exertions, without stopping to inquire, or without sufficient intelligence to ascertain, the nature or extent of his designs. The people of this country, who wept tears of blood as a martyred sovereign was led to slaughter, had been blind instruments in the hands of his murderers, and invested them with power sufficient, to crush their monarch, and themselves.-The people are again called forth, and encouraged by the promises of men, who have not even the VOL. XI.

pretext, which gave an air of patriotism to the rebellious Roundheads; and whilst they thoughtlessly accumulate the materials for their own future subjugation, would be incapable of informing a bystander whether they were about "to fire another Troy," or to see a man creep into a quart bottle."

With this long and splendid pasIt is a Sage we quit Pen Owen. book which no doubt the Whigs will

run down. One consolation the Tories have when they see their books run down by the Whigs is, that though the Whigs of our day can write reviews enough, none of them (at least there is scarcely an exception) can write books. Lord Byron being laid out of view, and perhaps Tom Moore, where is the MAN now living that can write a tolerable book, and is not a could as soon leap his horse over a Tory? Can Jeffrey write a book? He six-foot stone wall and a double ditch. Could Mackintosh? We for one would be the first to subscribe for it. Could Brougham? No more than Joseph Hume, or Lord A. Hamilton, or the Duke of Bedford. We had, to be sure, forgot Mr Luttrell, but we can scarcely after all quite credit that report about his being a Whig. We believe no man to be a Whig until it is proved against him. To do otherwise, would be

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to bar from the kind heart

All thoughts of human gentle charity, And think of the poor brothers of our race As if they had not sprung from Adam's loins."

WORDSWORTH (we think.)

Farewell, then, wise, witty, perhaps wicked author of PEN OWEN! WE, at least, love thee, (we mean all true Tories) admire thee, praise thee! Write on! Write three volumes yearly, painting" the living follies as they rise!" Lash and spare not the vile, the filthy, the sacrilegious, the blasphemous, infidel, rebel crew of THE UNENGLISH, and verily thou shalt have thy reward in the favour of all the good, the wise, and the patriotic!-Au Revoir!-and that, we hope, is not a long look. Thou art not a poet, so far as we see, nor art thou a man of romance. Thy vein is the keen clear bitter; if it be not so grand as some others, 'tis at least a far rarer one in these sentimental days. Thou wearest on thy shoulders a truly knowing head of the old English cut. Would we could see thy 4 N

it. But WHO thou art we know not. Perhaps Ebony or Cadell only knows

face!-well wot we it is neither a lean, a pale, nor a pensive one. Art thou a member of parliament? If not, well-perhaps neither. If thou beest a

dost thou understand the hidden matters of St Stephens. Art thou a statesman? We verily believe thou hast sat many and oft times at some long green table somewhere in the parish of St James's. Art thou an old author? Most surely. There are not ten men in Britain who understand the nature of the Bibliopole in all his sublime and sordid varieties, and one of these ten wrote Pen Owen, as certainly as another of them writes this review of

lawyer, thou shouldst not long wear bombazeen. If thou art a parson, lawn sleeves would become thee. If thy nether end reposes on one of the treasury benches, Lord Londonderry should lose no time in looking about him, and asking, "Who wrote Pen Owen ?"

Now, after all these pretty speeches, are you not a shabby fellow if you don't send Ebony an article every month you live?-Once more, AU REvOIR!

* Upon honour, I am not the author of the book myself.-REVIEWER.

POLAND.

Books bearing so humble a title as that subjoined, however useful to the traveller in the country they describe, are seldom consulted for information or amusement by those who can only travel by their own firesides and, in truth, they are very rarely worthy of such consultation, their sole intention being not to give full information, but to facilitate and direct those who wish to gain it for themselves by actual and personal examination. Paterson's Road-book would give but a poor idea of England. Poland, however, interesting as that ill-fated kingdom is, has never been sufficiently described in works of a superior class; and we found insuperable difficulties in our sedentary peregrinations through it, from the want of clear and satisfactory descriptions of the people, places, and things, in any books we could meet with. On stating our grievance to a Polish friend, he was kind enough to send us this Traveller's Guide, with some valuable information of his own, of which we shall avail ourselves in the course of our remarks.

This book, as its name imports, is intended as a guide to foreign travelers in Poland. As usual, the principal post-roads are marked out,-the principal towns through which they pass are described,-and the objects chiefly worthy of attention are pointed out, sometimes, it is true, rather too minutely. In fact, there are many de

tails which can only be interesting to those who use the book as a travelling companion, and it is only after turning over many pages that any thing generally interesting can be found. The accounts are, however, according to our information, candid and just, and calculated to give a tolerably correct idea of the kingdom of Poland, as it is now constituted, including the territory of the free town of Cracau. The extensive provinces formerly included in that kingdom, but now united to Russia, Austria, and Prussia, are not described. To this description the author has annexed certain "notes instructives et nécessaires à ceux qui voyagent en Pologne;" and with all submission this is exactly the part of the book which is most instructive and necessary for those who have it not in their power to travel in Poland, and we shall make use of it in the sequel accordingly.

The book is published anonymously, but is well known to be the production of the celebrated General Krasinski, who highly distinguished himself in the late campaigns. To make it more generally useful, he has written in the French language, and his object in undertaking so humble a task was to remove the misconceptions arising from the prejudice, and perhaps the malice, which disgraced the accounts of previous foreign writers. Thus we see, that in Poland, as well as

Guide du Voyageur en Pologne et dans la République de Cracovie-VarsovieGlücksberg, 1820.

1829.

*

Poland.

in our own country, the hero, whose glory it was to defend his native land from the desolation of war, does not disdain to exercise his talents in peace to ward off the shafts of envy or malignity, and to set the character of his country and his countrymen in a fair and true light before the world. Our Polish friend writes to us as follows:

"I may remark to you, in general, that my military countrymen are particularly zealous in all that concerns the good and honour of their country. They glorify it in war with their valour, and adorn it in peace with their literary pursuits. Polish literature is greatly indebted for its increase to their real and superior talents. I would not here make this remark, were they only diletanti in literature and science; but I dare assert that they cultivate them thoroughly, and know as well how to sacrifice to the Nine Sisters as to Mars. Several years ago, we boasted of a homely elegiac poet, Godebski. He fell on the field of battle at Raszyn, in the year 1809, where 8000 Poles fought against 40,000 Austrians-and were victorious. A bard in his tomb could never have an epitaph more glorious than such a victory!-Amongst those who are alive is General Kropinski, who fought at the side of Kosciuszko in the cause of freedom, and spends the remainder of his life in literary occupations. His national Tragedy of Lutgarda, so often performed and generally admired, has established for ever his fame as a poet;-and his other productions have gained him the name of an elegant writer. Colonel Chodkiewicz followed the path of Addison, and wrote the tragedy of Cato. He has distinguished himself by different pieces of epistolary poetry; but for several years has been devoting himself to chemical studies, and has published a great many of his profound researches.-General Morawski has lately raised great expectations by some original lyrical pieces of poetry-and also by his admirable skill, and the elegance of his style, in translations from the German and French. There are, besides, some other distinguished names in the military calender that might be mentioned, whose eager. ness and talents in literary pursuits are appreciated by their countrymen; but I have named here only the principal ones, whose works are looked upon as the ornaments of national literature, and will never cease to be read as long as the Polish language shall be spoken or understood."

To return to the work before us, it cannot claim for its author any such distinguished praise as our friend be

stows on the literary heroes he has
mentioned. Its subject matter is hard-
ly worthy of an author of the rank of
Krasinski, and its language is foreign
-The style is somewhat too elevated,
but the details are not exaggerated. Its
object, however, which we shall now
allow the General to describe for him-
self, is good. He says,

"It is melancholy to observe, that Po-
land, notwithstanding the renown she has
acquired in the history of the latter ages, both
by the glory of her arms, and by the sa-
crifices of every kind which her inhabitants
have made to their country, should be in
a manner forgotten in the branch of geo-
graphy which treats of voyages and tra-
vels. Every country, every town of im-
portance, even in the most remote regions,
attracts crowds of curious and inquisitive
persons, anxious to lay before the public
descriptions as accurate as they are minute;
while Poland, so distinguished for her hos-
pitality, her toleration, and the friendly
reception she affords to strangers whom
political convulsions have driven from their
native lands, and who fly to her for an
asylum-Poland has found in the few tra-
vellers who have described her, enemies
and calumniators instead of faithful deline-
Without reckoning those who, like
ators.
Voyage en Pologne et
M. Neal, [in his “
en Russie, printed at Paris] present in
their indecent pictures a silly collection of
absurd calumnies against the nation, and
of revolting personalities against its inha-
bitants;-M. M. Délicourt Mché, Vau-
trin, whose disgraceful productions injure
only their authors ;-passing over the let-
ters of M. Uklanski, whose style is em-
bued with the gall of vengeance,-how
many works upon Poland, published un-
der different titles by M. M. Malte Brun,
Georgel, Grafenaur, Guthrie, Pradt, &c.,
although of acknowledged merit, are de-
fective in point of precision. The most
recent book on this subject, and which is
most chiefly resorted to by travellers, is a
little portable work, printed at Weimar in
1818, under the title of " Guide des Voya.
geurs dans le Nord," by M. Reinhard,
counsellor of the Grand Duke of Saxe
Gotha, already well known by several ex-
cellent publications of this sort, descrip-
tive of all the leading states and cities of
Europe. This author passes an eulogium
on the national character of the Poles, and
does justice to their hospitality and other
good qualities; but his descriptions, limit-
ed to a few pages, would have been more
correct, if he had not trusted too implicitly
to the veracity of the authors I have al-
ready mentioned, and if he had not follow-

* See Colonel Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders.

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